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About CPNN Coordinator

Dr David Adams is the coordinator of the Culture of Peace News Network. He retired in 2001 from UNESCO where he was the Director of the Unit for the International Year for the Culture of Peace, proclaimed for the Year 2000 by the United Nations General Assembly.

How the U.S. Started a Cold War with Russia and Left Ukraine to Fight It

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An article by Medea Benjamin and Nicolas J. S. Davies in the TRANSCEND Media Service

28 Feb 2022 – The defenders of Ukraine are bravely resisting Russian aggression, shaming the rest of the world and the UN Security Council for its failure to protect them. It is an encouraging sign that the Russians and Ukrainians are holding talks in Belarus that may lead to a ceasefire. All efforts must be made to bring an end to this war before the Russian war machine kills thousands more of Ukraine’s defenders and civilians, and forces hundreds of thousands more to flee.


Photo credit: CODEPINK

But there is a more insidious reality at work beneath the surface of this classic morality play, and that is the role of the United States and NATO in setting the stage for this crisis.

President Biden has called the Russian invasion “unprovoked,” but that is far from the truth. In the four days leading up to the invasion, ceasefire monitors from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) documented a dangerous increase in ceasefire violations in Eastern Ukraine, with 5,667 violations and 4,093 explosions.

Most were inside the de facto borders of the Donetsk (DPR) and Luhansk (LPR) People’s Republics, consistent with incoming shell-fire by Ukraine government forces. With nearly 700 OSCE ceasefire monitors on the ground, it is not credible that these were all “false flag” incidents staged by separatist forces, as U.S. and British officials claimed.

Whether the shell-fire was just another escalation in the long-running civil war or the opening salvos of a new government offensive, it was certainly a provocation. But the Russian invasion has far exceeded any proportionate action to defend the DPR and LPR from those attacks, making it disproportionate and illegal.

In the larger context though, Ukraine has become an unwitting victim and proxy in the resurgent U.S. Cold War against Russia and China, in which the United States has surrounded both countries with military forces and offensive weapons, withdrawn from a whole series of arms control treaties, and refused to negotiate resolutions to rational security concerns raised by Russia.

In December 2021, after a summit between Presidents Biden and Putin, Russia submitted a draft proposal for a new mutual security treaty between Russia and NATO, with 9 articles to be negotiated. They represented a reasonable basis for a serious exchange. The most pertinent to the crisis in Ukraine was simply to agree that NATO would not accept Ukraine as a new member, which is not on the table in the foreseeable future in any case. But the Biden administration brushed off Russia’s entire proposal as a nonstarter, not even a basis for negotiations.

So why was negotiating a mutual security treaty so unacceptable that Biden was ready to risk thousands of Ukrainian lives, although not a single American life, rather than attempt to find common ground? What does that say about the relative value that Biden and his colleagues place on American versus Ukrainian lives? And what is this strange position that the United States occupies in today’s world that permits an American president to risk so many Ukrainian lives without asking Americans to share their pain and sacrifice?

The breakdown in U.S. relations with Russia and the failure of Biden’s inflexible brinkmanship precipitated this war, and yet Biden’s policy “externalizes” all the pain and suffering so that Americans can, as another wartime president once said, “go about their business” and keep shopping. America’s European allies, who must now house hundreds of thousands of refugees and face spiraling energy prices, should be wary of falling in line behind this kind of “leadership” before they, too, end up on the front line.

At the end of the Cold War, the Warsaw Pact, NATO’s Eastern European counterpart, was dissolved, and NATO should have been as well, since it had achieved the purpose it was built to serve. Instead, NATO has lived on as a dangerous, out-of-control military alliance dedicated mainly to expanding its sphere of operations and justifying its own existence. It has expanded from 16 countries in 1991 to a total of 30 countries today, incorporating most of Eastern Europe, at the same time as it has committed aggression, bombings of civilians and other war crimes.

(Continued in right column)

Questions related to this article:
 
Can the peace movement help stop the war in the Ukraine?

(Continued from left column)

In 1999, NATO launched an illegal war to militarily carve out an independent Kosovo from the remnants of Yugoslavia. NATO airstrikes during the Kosovo War killed hundreds of civilians, and its leading ally in the war, Kosovo President Hashim Thaci, is now on trial at The Hague for the appalling war crimes he committed under the cover of NATO bombing, including cold-blooded murders of hundreds of prisoners to sell their internal organs on the international transplant market.

Far from the North Atlantic, NATO joined the United States in its 20-year war in Afghanistan, and then attacked and destroyed Libya in 2011, leaving behind a failed state, a continuing refugee crisis and violence and chaos across the region.

In 1991, as part of a Soviet agreement to accept the reunification of East and West Germany, Western leaders assured their Soviet counterparts that they would not expand NATO any closer to Russia than the border of a united Germany. U.S. Secretary of State James Baker promised that NATO would not advance “one inch” beyond the German border. The West’s broken promises are spelled out for all to see in 30 declassified documents published on the National Security Archive website.

After expanding across Eastern Europe and waging wars in Afghanistan and Libya, NATO has predictably come full circle to once again view Russia as its principal enemy. U.S. nuclear weapons are now based in five NATO countries in Europe: Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Belgium and Turkey, while France and the U.K. already have their own nuclear arsenals. U.S. “missile defense” systems, which could be converted to fire offensive nuclear missiles, are based in Poland and Romania, including at a base in Poland only 100 miles from the Russian border.

Another Russian request in its December proposal was for the United States to simply rejoin the 1988 INF Treaty (Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty), under which both sides agreed not to deploy short- or intermediate-range nuclear missiles in Europe. Trump withdrew from the treaty in 2019 on the advice of his National Security Adviser, John Bolton, who also has the scalps of the 1972 ABM Treaty, the 2015 JCPOA with Iran and the 1994 Agreed Framework with North Korea dangling from his gun-belt.

None of this can justify Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, but the world should take Russia seriously when it says that its conditions for ending the war and returning to diplomacy are Ukrainian neutrality and disarmament. While no country can be expected to completely disarm in today’s armed-to-the-teeth world, neutrality could be a serious long-term option for Ukraine.

There are many successful precedents, like Switzerland, Austria, Ireland, Finland and Costa Rica. Or take the case of Vietnam. It has a common border and serious maritime disputes with China, but Vietnam has resisted U.S. efforts to embroil it in its Cold War with China, and remains committed to its long-standing “Four Nos” policy: no military alliances; no affiliation with one country against another; no foreign military bases; and no threats or uses of force.

The world must do whatever it takes to obtain a ceasefire in Ukraine and make it stick. Maybe UN Secretary General Guterres or a UN special representative could act as a mediator, possibly with a peacekeeping role for the UN. This will not be easy – one of the still unlearned lessons of other wars is that it is easier to prevent war through serious diplomacy and a genuine commitment to peace than to end a war once it has started.

If and when there is a ceasefire, all parties must be prepared to start afresh to negotiate lasting diplomatic solutions that will allow all the people of Donbas, Ukraine, Russia, the United States and other NATO members to live in peace. Security is not a zero-sum game, and no country or group of countries can achieve lasting security by undermining the security of others.

The United States and Russia must also finally assume the responsibility that comes with stockpiling over 90% of the world’s nuclear weapons, and agree on a plan to start dismantling them, in compliance with the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and the new UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW).

Lastly, as Americans condemn Russia’s aggression, it would be the epitome of hypocrisy to forget or ignore the many recent wars in which the United States and its allies have been the aggressors: in Kosovo, Afghanistan, Iraq, Haiti, Somalia, Palestine, Pakistan, Libya, Syria and Yemen.

We sincerely hope that Russia will end its illegal, brutal invasion of Ukraine long before it commits a fraction of the massive killing and destruction that the United States has committed in its illegal wars.
__________________________________________

Medea Benjamin is cofounder of CODEPINK for Peace, and author of several books, including Inside Iran: The Real History and Politics of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
 
Nicolas J. S. Davies is an independent journalist, a researcher with CODEPINK and the author of Blood on Our Hands: The American Invasion and Destruction of Iraq.

Russian anti-war movement takes shape on the streets – and on screens

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An article by Pauline Rouquette in France 24

Thousands of Russians have taken to the streets in protest against the invasion of Ukraine, with more than 6500 demonstrators arrested as of Tuesday, according to the OVD-Info human rights group, which tracks political arrests. 


A person holds a sign during a protest against Russian invasion of Ukraine in Moscow on February 27, 2022. © Evgenia Novozhenina, Reuters

And despite a crackdown by the Russian authorities, opposition to Moscow’s war in Ukraine is gaining support. While some continue to demonstrate publicly, others are setting up rear bases on the Internet and circumventing restrictions by using social networks, encrypted messaging and VPN servers. 

“I’m not afraid, I went out alone,” a user named Stanislav wrote on Twitter. The message is accompanied with a photo of him protesting on a street in the town of Azov in the western Russian oblast of Rostov. The 30-year-old holds a sign that reads “#НЕТВОЙНЕ” (No War) in large black letters. 

Fear of repression has meant that only a minority of Russians are publicly expressing their opposition to the invasion. However, the anti-war movement is gathering support on the Internet, mainly through social networks and encrypted messaging services such as Telegram and Signal. 

On Twitter, the hashtag #ЯпротивВойны (I’m against the war) was trending in Russia on Tuesday. “This has been the case since the beginning of the war,” Stanislav told FRANCE 24.  

Discretion when faced with repression 

Most of the opposition seems to be fomenting behind screens since, under Vladimir Putin, to oppose the war out on the streets risks arrest and conviction. This is reflected in the daily figures released by OVD-Info

The NGO told FRANCE 24 that it tracks the number of people arrested at anti-war rallies – not the number of participants. Nearly a week after the start of the Russian invasion, the numbers are already significant.

“We have never seen such a large number of detainees per day,” said Grigory Durnovo, an analyst for the group. “We counted at least 6,489 detainees in five days. This is enough to show us the number of people willing to go out on the streets and express their views,” he said. 

A Facebook post on Tuesday by the NGO mentions more than 3,100 arrests in Moscow, more than 2,000 in St. Petersburg, about 100 in Yekaterinburg and a few dozen in other, less populated cities across the country.

While the arrests have not prevented thousands of Russians from defying the law to express their opposition to the war, the vast majority prefer to maintain a low profile.  

Durnovo attributed this to a wave of repression seen in 2021, notably with the closure of celebrated human rights group Memorial, as well as the criminal prosecution of people who participated in protests earlier this year.

Twitter, Signal and Telegram: the backbone of the anti-war movement 

But protesters still find ways to express their opposition to the war while remaining under the radar. 

“Contacts between protesters are mainly on Twitter and Telegram,” says Stanislav, who depicts them as networks of solidarity. Members on these groups share information from independent media (including the online TV channel Dojd), relay petitions and support protesters arrested by the police.

“We help them pay fines and also find lawyers to help them,” he said. 

(Continued in right column)

(Click here for a version of this article in French).

Questions related to this article:
 
Can the peace movement help stop the war in the Ukraine?

How can we be sure to get news about peace demonstrations?

(Continued from left column)

According to the OVD-Info website, depending on the charges, protesters risk being fined “from 2,000 to 300,000 rubles (from €17 to more than €2,500) and risk up to 30 days in detention”. 

Unable to rely on Russian media sources regarding the protests, OVD-Info receives information directly from the field as well as from the detainees themselves. “They call us via our hotline or send messages to our Telegram bot,” Durnovo explained. “We ask them to tell us the number of detainees on a police bus or in a police station along with their names, the name of the city and any other significant information, such as possible cases of violence.”

He added that this information is crosschecked with other sources. This includes independent media, Telegram channels and, to a lesser extent, statements from police officials (which is compared with data collected elsewhere).   

“The official media sometimes mentions anti-war protests but we can’t use them as a source because they don’t tell the whole story. Sometimes we can quote the number of detainees from the statements of police officials and compare it with our own data,” he said. 

Petition gathers over 1 million signatures   

In addition to NGOs, citizens and professional groups have been taking up the anti-war banner by using social networks or getting support from independent media.  

A number of petitions and open letters have been circulating on the Internet since the start of the invasion, including one from Russian lawyers citing Russian violations of the UN Charter. Russian scientists have posted a video on YouTube expressing their opposition to the war. 

The most significant of these initiatives remains a Change.org  petition entitled, Stop the War with Ukraine. Launched by Lev Ponomarev, a Russian political activist committed to the defence of human rights, the text calls on Russian citizens to resist the war. It exceeded 1 million signatures on Tuesday.

The petition calls for “an immediate ceasefire of the Russian armed forces and their immediate withdrawal from the territory of the sovereign state of Ukraine”. 

According to Ponomarev, if a million signatures are gathered, it means that tens of millions of people are opposed to the war against Ukraine, given the difficulty many Russians have in accessing the Internet. 

‘Restrictions can be circumvented on the Internet’ 

On social networks, many messages testify both to the vigorous opposition that some Russians have against the war and the government, as well as their reluctance to go and shout it out on the streets. 

 “In the West, foreigners write on social networks, ‘It’s up to the Russians to stop the dictator’ – but how on earth? This monster will crush any protest,” read one comment under a Facebook post. 

“My friends went out to demonstrate in Moscow today with placards. No one joined them,” another user lamented, before ironically remarking in another message: “You have to go out to sing Ukrainian songs: singing is not yet banned!” 

Despite the Russian authorities’ efforts to censor certain online resources, demonstrating opposition to the Russian government seems much less risky on the Internet than on the streets.  

According to Human Rights Watch, Russian authorities have threatened to fine or block several independent Russian media outlets if they do not remove certain publications about the war in Ukraine. The NGO also expressed concern about the sharp rise in censorship. In recent days, Facebook and Twitter have also come under fire from Russia’s communications watchdog, Roskomnadzor, which is now restricting their access. 

However, as Stanislav points out, “on the Internet, restrictions can be circumvented. Many online resources can still be accessed using a VPN (virtual private network), which is widely used. The VPN transmits traffic via servers in a country other than Russia, where sources of information can be blocked”, he added. 

However, he is not satisfied with just this rear base on the Internet. Even if he is alone each time when he goes out to protest – his friends are afraid to demonstrate with him in public – he says he wants to continue to protest on the streets, saying: “Protesting only on the Internet cannot lead to much.” 

This article is a translation from the original in French.

Thousands of IT workers in Russia sign public anti-war petition

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An article by Natasha Lomas March 1 from TechCrunch

In a hint of the strength of opposition among Russian professionals to war in Ukraine, an open letter that’s been circulating through the country’s IT industry since the invasion on Thursday — to protest at the act of military aggression and call for peace — has gathered around 30,000 signatories from named IT workers.


Portrait of Natalia Lukyanchikova from her Facebook page

The petition is entitled: “An open letter from representatives of the Russian IT industry against the military operation on the territory of Ukraine.”

The list of names and job titles — some also specifying which company the person works for — includes IT professionals who identify themselves as entrepreneurs, product managers, heads of customer experience, analytics, backend developers, product designers, marketing specialists, devops engineers, iOS engineers, gameplay developers, system analysts, IT recruiters and many, many more.

The Google Document that’s been used to host the petition runs to 652 pages.

The full text of the letter, which is written in Russian, reads [translated with machine translation]:

We, the employees of the Russian IT industry, are categorically against military actions on the territory of Ukraine initiated by the armed forces of the Russian Federation.

We consider any manifestation of force that leads to the outbreak of war unjustified and call for the cancellation of decisions that may inevitably entail human casualties on each side. Our countries have always been close to each other. And today we are worried about our Ukrainian colleagues, friends, relatives. We are concerned and morally oppressed by what is happening in the cities of Ukraine now.

In our work we make the best products, the best service, we sincerely do everything so that Russian IT solutions can be proud of. We want our country to be associated not with war, but with peace and progress.

Progress and development of technologies for the benefit of man are impossible in conditions of war and threats to people’s lives and health, they are possible only in conditions of cooperation, diversity of points of view, information exchange and open dialogue.

We ask the leadership of our country to pay attention to our appeal, find ways to resolve this situation peacefully and prevent human casualties.

(Continued in right column)

Questions related to this article:
 
Can the peace movement help stop the war in the Ukraine?

(Continued from left column)

It’s not possible to verify that all the names listed as signatories are genuine — but we have confirmed that the petition was started by a woman called Natalia Lukyanchikova, who told us she’s an “IT specialist”.

She is also the first signatory of the letter, where she lists herself as a product analyst at recruitment website, hh.ru.

TechCrunch reached Lukyanchikova via email and she explained that she shared the peace petition to her public Facebook page last week — calling for other IT workers to put their names to it and to mobilize to try to get media coverage for the initiative.

We also spoke with another Russian IT worker who told us they had signed the petition — and said lots of people from their tech company, including its CEO, had also signed — but this source requested anonymity to avoid drawing attention to their action because of the risk of retaliation.

In her initial Facebook post to launch the petition, Lukyanchikova wrote [translated from Russian]: “Below is the text of an open letter from the IT community. I don’t know if this will work out, but I know that collective action helps sometimes. This also helps people understand that they are not alone. So far this is the only legal action I see that is not banned. You can sign up via the link in the first comment.”

In subsequent posts to her Facebook page, she can also be seen tracking progress over a handful of days as the number of signatures rises.

The petition appears to have quickly picked up steam among Russia’s IT industry as the country’s invasion of Ukraine stepped up, garnering over 10,000 signatories by Saturday and topping 20,000 by Sunday — before reaching close to 30,000 names now, at the time of writing.

Asked if she believes the petition could have an impact, Lukyanchikova told us: “I want to believe that our voices will be heard and peace will be restored.”

Some media outlets inside Russia have reported on the anti-war letter.

Tech industry publication vc.ru, for example, covered it on Saturday, when it reported that the signatories — then numbering around 1,300 — included employees of Russian tech giants Yandex and VKontakte, among many other types of businesses.

Its report also notes that similar anti-war letters have been published by representatives of other industries from inside the country, such as teachers, scientists and doctors. Although the IT industry letter appears to have gathered the largest number of signatures.

This report was updated with a couple of minor corrections: We originally stated the petition had closed; actually it’s still open to further signatures. Also Lukyanchikova’s job title is ‘product analyst’, not ‘food analyst’ as the machine translation of the cyrillic script displayed in the petition list, which we had used to translate it from Russian, (incorrectly) rendered it. 

Russian teachers against the war

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An article published by the Russian website Meduza (translation by CPNN)

(Editor’s note: The original petition has been withdrawn from all media because of threats to the teachers that have signed it. Only a few lines are published on the Google Doc with the names of the first thousand signatures.

Google explains that 1000 is their limit for signatures but from February 24 to March 4 it had been signed by 5000 people including teachers from almost all regions of Russia: Adygea, Altai Territory, Altai, Arkhangelsk Region, Bashkortostan, Belgorod Region, Bryansk Region, Buryatia, Vladimir Region, Volgograd Region, Vologda Region, Voronezh Region, Dagestan , Trans-Baikal Territory, Ivanovo Region, Irkutsk Region, Kabardino-Balkarian Republic, Kaliningrad Region, Kaluga Region, Kamchatka Territory, Karelia, Komi, Kemerovo Region, Kirov Region, Kostroma Region, Krasnodar Territory, Krasnoyarsk Territory, Kurgan Region, Kursk Region, Leningrad Region region, Lipetsk region, Mari El, Mordovia, Moscow, Moscow region, Murmansk region, Nizhny Novgorod region, Novgorod region, Novosibirsk region, Omsk region, Orenburg region, Perm region,Primorsky Territory, Pskov Region, Rostov Region, Ryazan Region, Samara Region, Saratov Region, St. Petersburg, Sakhalin Region, Sverdlovsk Region, Sevastopol, Smolensk Region, Tambov Region, Tatarstan, Tver Region, Tomsk Region, Tula Region , Udmurtia, Ulyanovsk Region, Chelyabinsk Region, Chuvashia, Chukotka, Yakutia, Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug, Yaroslavl Region, Khabarovsk Territory, Khakassia).

As follows, the Russian website Meduza gets around the problem by publishing interviews with 5 of the signatories along with the note imposed by Russian authorities that in doing so they are acting as a foreign agent.

“In this situation, it is more terrible to remain silent. It’s a shame to be silent.” More than a thousand Russian teachers openly spoke out against the war with Ukraine. Here is what they say about the invasion – and how they explain what is happening to the students

12:48, February 26, 2022Source: Meduza

This message (material) was created and (or) distributed by a foreign media outlet acting as a foreign agent and (or) a Russian legal entity acting as a foreign agent.

We need your help. Please support Meduza.

On February 25, the day after the start of the war with Ukraine, Russian teachers published a petition in which they openly supported the anti-war protests and demanded a ceasefire. At the time of publication, it was signed by more than 1200 teachers from 65 regions of Russia, as well as from other countries: Italy, USA, France, Estonia, Israel, Sweden and Germany. Meduza has contacted the five faculty members who signed the document and is publishing their monologues.

Ivan Menshikov,mathematics teacher from Moscow, one of the authors of the petition

On the morning of February 24, my colleagues and I had the feeling that something needed to be done. You can’t just sit back and watch such a disaster unfold. The country is heading for the abyss, trying to capture the neighboring country by barbaric methods. I wanted to say that we think it’s terrible. The petition is the first thing that came to my mind.

I wrote the original text , then my colleagues corrected it. On the one hand, I wanted it to be as honest and sincere as possible. On the other hand, we did not want to repel doubting people with too emotional words. It was a complex procedure that took most of the day.

It was an interesting experience for me. When I wrote the petition, I had the feeling that I myself and the minimum number of people around me who also want to speak out need it. But as soon as it appeared [on the network], people immediately began to send it to each other in chat rooms. It began to spread at an insane rate. The link to it was sent to me by people with whom I don’t even have common acquaintances, and literally 15 minutes later [after publication], despite the fact that it was around 11 pm. I quickly realized that people have an urgent need to speak up and make their voices heard in some way.

Of course, students ask us questions [about the war], and each teacher chooses words at his own peril and risk. But we cannot discuss political issues with them . We can only say that war is bad and peace is good. Children, of course, agree with this thesis.

For many children, their parents try to protect them from this information [about Russia’s invasion of Ukraine]. Not all students understand what is happening, and not all are interested. Those who understand, basically broadcast the position of their parents.

Some teachers watch TV and support the current government – and, unfortunately, even this war that our state unleashed. But in my circle, the vast majority considers war unacceptable. I would like to believe that this is the case in our country as a whole.

Of course, I’m afraid to express my protest. But given the hell that’s going on in Kyiv right now – literally a day’s drive away – it’s just a shame to be led by your own fear.

Konstantin, a mathematics teacher from Moscow, asked not to indicate his last name

There is nothing worse than war. As a teacher, I experience this even more acutely. It is important to explain to students that war is bad, and to convey this as clearly and boldly as possible.

Colleagues fully agree with me. There may be disagreements about the reasons [for the invasion] and how clear everything is, but almost everyone agrees that there should be no war and that it is in the power of Russia to stop it.

I discussed the war with the students. I said almost nothing myself, but I felt how important it was for the children to discuss it. My lesson was the first on Thursday [February 24], so I was the first adult they could discuss it with. We did not speak purely about politics, but I tried to convince them that a nightmare was happening, that it was important to talk about it and support each other.

The students themselves talked a lot. Everyone is scared. Some people want to study abroad. Someone because they have families in other regions, and someone in Ukraine. To some, simply because they understand that a gloomy and unpredictable future lies ahead. Some people are worried about other people. Confusion manifests itself in different ways for everyone: someone tries to laugh it off.

I’m talking about high school students. Younger children are more likely not to understand what is happening, but they still feel that something is wrong. I heard about cases when children mocked at this [war with Ukraine]. Even at our school, children said: “We will trample, we will crush.” But I don’t know them personally.

I’m not afraid to voice my protest. Even before this story [with the petition], I wrote a post on VK asking them not to congratulate me on February 23, because it is offensive. Some parents at my last school said it tarnished the image of the teacher worse than the swimsuit photos. But I’m definitely not afraid.

(Continued in right column)

Questions related to this article:
 
Can the peace movement help stop the war in the Ukraine?

(Continued from left column)

Dmitry Kazakov, history teacher from the Nizhny Novgorod region

In terms of my political convictions and worldview, I am an internationalist and a Marxist. I believe that this war is a war of two capitalist powers [Russia and Ukraine]. The result of this confrontation is the death of people, which is categorically unacceptable for me.

Besides, I am a history teacher and I know what wars lead to. Especially imperialist, aimed at satisfying the self-interest of capital. That’s why I signed [the petition].

The profession of a teacher implies the promotion of peace, kindness, mutual understanding and the search for compromises. War is contrary to such a phenomenon as pedagogical work.

All the explanations of this war that our state has given are not explanations. If more specific arguments were given, and not a story of 100 years ago , then maybe I would take a more neutral position. I categorically do not take sides – I do not know much about this confrontation. Why did the war start? Who is right and who is more to blame? But I am sure that any conflict can be resolved peacefully. A bad peace is better than a good war.

The students showed keen interest and asked me questions about the war. I tried not to answer. Not because I’m scared, but because nothing is clear yet. I did not want to endanger those who could misunderstand me, form their opinion, make it public and suffer from it. I said that now you need to have not a hot, but a cold head and hope that the war will end as quickly as possible.

If I was afraid that I would be fired, I would not be a trade union activist. And why be afraid of being fired if the consequences of this war come to us? Then no work will allow you to feel calm.

Anna Sternberg, teacher of Russian language and literature from Izhevsk

I am against war. This is the position of a teacher who teaches literature, universal values, the value of life. It seems to me that everything is logical.

The moods of my colleagues are different, but, of course, there are those who agree with me. I didn’t find out from everyone. I speak with those people who understand me, with whom I am on the same wavelength.

It is not customary for us to talk about these topics with our students. The children asked me how I feel about the war. I said that it was sharply negative, but I did not continue.

This is not the first time I have declared my protest, so I am no longer afraid. In this situation, it is more terrible to remain silent. It’s embarrassing to be silent.

Kirill, geography teacher from St. Petersburg, name changed

These events were divided into before and after both the world and people. I am not a supporter of polar opinions, “black” and “white”, but here everyone should already decide.

The problem of relations with the fraternal country is especially acute for me: my relatives live in Ukraine. Since 2014, it seemed to me that absolute obscurantism was happening.

Now you can no longer stand aside and be silent. We teach children the patriotism that pervades our entire school education system. We always speak with pride about the victories of the past and note the contribution and sacrifices that our country had to endure in the fight against the aggressor [in the Great Patriotic War]. Today we are acting – I don’t want to say “we”, but formally Russia is acting on behalf of the people – the aggressor in this “special operation”.

[After signing the petition,] I spoke as best I could. I can’t go outside: if the case goes to court, I will be forbidden to work [as a teacher]. A teacher cannot have a criminal record. As long as I have the opportunity, at least on the Internet, to express my position without violating the laws (even if they are clumsily made), I will do it to the last.

If the teacher is not bad – and I consider myself a fairly good teacher – he definitely has contact with the children. At the moment I have five ninth grades. And it is on these days that I have to go through the topic of the European south [of Russia] with the guys. Not only do I have to answer [questions] about the disputed borders with Abkhazia and South Ossetia from the point of view of international law, I also have to comment on the presence of Crimea within Russia.

Children in the ninth grade are already adults, they are 15-16 years old, and they ask questions. Of course, when we discuss this region and say that the Donetsk coal basin is part of the Rostov region, they [cling to the word] Donbass. Of course, it is very dangerous to talk about this in class. I can’t lie, but I can’t say much of what I really think either. One has to either remain silent or comment exclusively within the framework of economic geography. And children perfectly feel lies and falsehood.

Students have different attitudes towards war. In many ways, their attitude forms the informational background in the family. Whatever we say about the role of school and society in shaping a child, the role of the family is the leading one. I know many parents and often see that children broadcast their thoughts. Of course, I don’t let them [students’ conversations about politics] develop into a dialogue in a raised voice: after all, the key task of the lesson is to provide subject knowledge and basic competencies. But children still hear different opinions.

I am definitely afraid. That is why I did not go yesterday [February 24] to Nevsky [Prospect, where the protesters in St. Petersburg went]. Can I be fired? According to modern legislation, it is extremely difficult to dismiss a teacher who works according to the rules and performs his functions well. At the same time, any system (primarily the school administration) can create unbearable working conditions. But since this is not the first time in my time at school—and indeed in the history of our country—that I have had to make jeopardizing choices, I rely on a certain amount of rationality in the higher-ups who make decisions about my working conditions.

So far, I have not broken any law: no one forbade us to sign public petitions. The text of the petition does not contain any insults or calls – except for the call to stop the war, which, regardless of the position of the person, cannot be questioned. At least I still have that hope.

Teachers are not ready to do everything the state tells them to do. Teachers not only teach critical thinking, but also master it themselves.

Lukoil, Russia’s largest private company, comes out against the war

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An article by CPNN based on multiple sources, as given.

The Board of Directors of Lukoil, the largest private company in Russia, has issued a statement opposing the Russian invasion of the Ukraine. Here is the statement carried on the Lukoil website:

STATEMENT OF LUKOIL BOARD OF DIRECTORS
Thursday, March 3, 2022

Dear Shareholders, Employees and Customers of LUKOIL,
The Board of Directors of LUKOIL expresses herewith its deepest concerns about the tragic events in Ukraine. Calling for the soonest termination of the armed conflict, we express our sincere empathy for all victims, who are affected by this tragedy. We strongly support a lasting ceasefire and a settlement of problems through serious negotiations and diplomacy.


video from Euronews

The company makes every effort to continue its operations in all countries and regions where it is present, committed to its primary mission of a reliable supplier of energy to consumers around the world.

In its activities, LUKOIL aspires to contribute to peace, international relations and humanitarian ties.

Board of Directors, LUKOIL

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Questions related to this article:
 
Can the peace movement help stop the war in the Ukraine?

(Continued from left column)

According to CNN, Lukoil produces more than 2% of the world’s crude oil and employs over 100,000 people.

Lukoil’s statement is the first major corporate success for the sanctions imposed by the West following the Russian invasion of the Ukraine. This is explained on the Russian website VC: “Since February 15, the company’s capitalization at its peak has fallen by 57 percent. On Thursday, 03 March 2022, depositary receipts for the company’s shares traded on the London Stock Exchange ceased to be traded and the company was suspended. The reason for this step was the sanctions imposed by England in response to Russia’s invasion of sovereign Ukraine. . . Lukoil co-owner Vagit Alekperov has been losing billions of dollars since February 24 due to Western sanctions related to Russia’s war against Ukraine. Alekperov hid his yacht from sanctions in Montenegro. In this regard, he was more fortunate: for example, Usmanov’s yacht will not leave the port of Hamburg, the German state is preparing to nationalize it.”

VC considers that the sanctions are likely to have additional similar effects causing Russians to oppose the war: “The expression by the board of directors of PJSC Lukoil of its negative position regarding what is happening in Ukraine was the “first sign” that flew in from the camp of the Russian business elite, and it reflects not only the beginning of a change of mood, but also a willingness to declare this change openly.”

More information on the effect of the sanctions on Lukoil is provided by CNN: “Lukoil shares listed in London have lost roughly 99% of their value following the invasion. Dealing in the company’s stock was suspended on Thursday. The oil giant is already facing calls for a boycott in the United States, where there are 230 Lukoil gasoline stations owned by American franchisees. Most of the service stations that carry the Lukoil brand are in New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania.”

Although Russia has blocked many news services from the West and most Russians are not likely to be reading press releases from Lukoil, the news of the Lukoil statement is being carried on many Russian independent media sources in addition to the Euronews video and the VC article mentioned above. These include За рулем, T-Journal, Kommersant, Sports (because Lukoil is a major sponsor of sporting events), Interfax, Rambler finance, Postimees and MigNews.

Ukraine war: families of unhappy Russian conscripts could undermine Kremlin’s war effort

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An article by Jennifer Mathers from The Conversation (republished under a Creative Commons license)

What do ordinary Russians think about the war that Vladimir Putin has unleashed on Ukraine? The Kremlin’s justifications: that Ukraine’s leadership has been subjecting ethnic Russians in that country to genocide  and that the government in Kyiv is led by neo-Nazis  appear far-fetched to most people outside Russia. So does the idea that Russia had to strike first to prevent Ukraine  from becoming a springboard for a Nato attack on Russia. But that’s what the Russian people have been told.


Distraught: Russian soldiers’ mothers with pictures of their sons killed in Chechnya, 1995. EPA/Sergei Chirikov

Some Russians certainly haven’t accepted these notions and oppose the invasion. Several thousand people have been arrested in cities  across the country for participating in protests. And a growing number of respected figures in Russia  have made public statements against the war in Ukraine, including celebrities  who are using their social media accounts to express their political views.

But while social media is providing young people with alternative explanations for this war, it is the older generations who represent the bedrock of Putin’s popular base of support. And older people tend to get their news from state-controlled television   rather than from social media or by seeking out Russia’s remaining independent news media that exist mainly online.

This support for Putin and his war is now at risk, however, as a direct result of the way that Russia treats its own soldiers and their families.

Within a few days of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the Russian independent news organisation Meduza published an article  highlighting the shock and anger of the families of Russian conscripts when they discovered that their sons had been sent into battle. Russian law prohibits the use of conscripts in combat, so these parents had no reason to believe that their loved ones were in the front lines of Putin’s “special military operation” in Ukraine.

According to the families that Meduza interviewed, conscripts are being coerced into signing contracts of voluntary service to change their status and provide some legal cover for sending them to war.

Changes to the status of conscripts is not the only information that Russia is keeping from soldiers’ families. According to a presidential decree that  Putin signed in 2015, all military deaths are a state secret. This means that frantic families who contact the Ministry of Defence asking for information about the welfare of their sons are routinely met either with silence or delaying tactics, such as advice to contact a unit commander directly or write to the Red Cross.

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Questions related to this article:
 
Can the peace movement help stop the war in the Ukraine?

(Continued from left column)

Ukraine has seemingly taken a very different approach. According to news reports, when Russian soldiers are captured they are allowed to phone their families , both to assure those back home that they are alive but also to convey to them the reality of this war.

If there is one thing that can effectively counter the Kremlin’s narrative about its use of force in Ukraine, it is personal knowledge  from trusted sources of information – such as the testimony of combatants delivered to their parents. And these parents will share this knowledge with their extended family, with neighbours, with co-workers, and with friends.

Committee of Soldiers’ Mothers

In fact, the news is already spreading , and families with sons in the army who have not heard from them directly are pleading with the only other source of information and advocacy in Russia about members of the armed forces: the Committee of Soldiers’ Mothers .

The Committee of Soldiers’ Mothers began during the Soviet war in Afghanistan as a network of locally based initiatives led by the families – principally the mothers – of soldiers to lobby the Kremlin for their safe return. The committee rapidly grew in size and moral authority and expanded its remit  to put pressure on Moscow to put an end to the practice of dedovshchina. This is “hazing” – routine physical abuse meted out by senior conscripts to new arrivals in the unit that sometimes ended in serious injury or even death.

The organisation came to prominence during Russia’s first war in Chechnya (1994-1996), when it organised the Mothers’ March for Life and Compassion . This involved hundreds of middle aged women travelling to the war zone to find their sons and bring them back home.

Outrage at the mistreatment of conscripts spread throughout Russia at the grassroots level and undermined the entire basis of staffing the armed forces. Advised by the Committee of Soldiers’ Mothers on legal ways to avoid military service  and supported by their families, young men of conscription age withdrew their labour from the state, sparking a crisis of recruitment  and retention that the Russian armed forces have only recently begun to recover from.

Failure of reform

The war in Ukraine is Russia’s first large-scale use of force since the start of a serious effort at  military reform  following Russia’s 2008 war in Georgia. Previous military operations either involved small numbers of highly trained forces (the annexation of Crimea in 2014 , the military intervention in Syria   since 2015) or covert support for proxies (the war in the Donbas , 2014-2022).

Despite a decade of reform  and a  significant increase in resources , what we have seen so far suggests that the attitudes in the Ministry of Defence towards the treatment of soldiers and their families have not changed much since the late Soviet period.

This could turn out to be a costly oversight. Putin’s tenure in the Kremlin is not necessarily dependent upon public opinion. But significant shifts in the mood of ordinary Russians will certainly undermine morale. This could cause some of the powerful figures that surround the president to question the wisdom of continuing down the current path, and perhaps also with the current leader.

The Conversation

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Open letter of Russian mathematicians against the war in Ukraine

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An article from TrV-science (Trojan variant – Science (translation by CPNN) (article later removed by Russian government censorship)

28.02.2022: The editors of the Trojan Variant have received an open letter from mathematicians working in Russia. The letter is open for signing (signatures are collected here). We publish the text of the appeal to the head of the Russian Federation.

To the President of the Russian Federation V. V. Putin

Mr. President!

We, mathematicians working in the Russian Federation, strongly protest against the military invasion of the territory of Ukraine launched by the Russian army on February 24, 2022.

The standard of living in a country and its position in the world are largely determined by the level of its science. Scientists all over the world are working on problems that are not restricted to national and territorial interests, but concern the well-being of all mankind. International cooperation, lack of borders for the dissemination of knowledge and humanistic values ​​are the foundation on which science is built. Our many years of efforts to strengthen the reputation of Russia as a leading mathematical center have been completely depreciated as a result of the unprovoked military aggression initiated by our country.

Mathematics has always been one of the few areas of fundamental science in which Russia has maintained a leading world position. As confirmation of this, Russia was supposed to host the most prestigious mathematical conference in the world, the International Congress of Mathematicians, in the summer of 2022. The International Mathematical Union canceled this decision in connection with the Russian attack on Ukraine. In a situation where our country has become a military aggressor and, as a result, a rogue state, Russia’s leading positions in world mathematics will be irretrievably lost.

In the instructions of the President of December 4, 2020, mathematics was named a priority area for the development of the Russian Federation; goals were set both in the field of fundamental science and in education. These goals, of course, cannot be achieved in the current conditions, when the lives of our closest colleagues – scientists in Ukraine, with whom we have been connected by many years of successful joint work, are daily in danger, the source of which is the Russian army. Russia finds itself in international isolation, without the possibility of intensive scientific exchange and cooperation with scientists from other countries.

We are convinced that no geopolitical interests can justify the sacrifices and bloodshed of war. It will only lead to the loss of the future of the country for which we work.

We demand an immediate cessation of hostilities and the withdrawal of Russian troops from the territory of Ukraine.

Signatures as of 13:50 March 1, 2022. The order of signatures is random. The collection of signatures continues. If you are a mathematician working in Russia, you can leave your signature here.

A backup email is available on Google Docs.

1.Iosif Krasilshchik, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor, IPU Russian Academy of Sciences
2.Petr Evgenievich Pushkar, Ph.D.
3.Andrey Dymov, Ph.D., Associate Professor, MIAN, Higher School of Economics
4.Yuliy Ilyashenko, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor
5.Alexander Guterman, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, Moscow State University
6.Yana Belopolskaya, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor
7.Dmitry Filimonov, Ph.D., Associate Professor
8.Dmitry Itsykson, Ph.D.
9.Mikhail Feigin, Ph.D., Associate Professor, University of Glasgow and MGU
10.Irina Paramonova, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor
11.Victor Vasiliev, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Professor, Mathematical Institute named after V.I. V.A. Steklova
12.Leonid Rybnikov, MD
13.Ivan Dynnikov, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor of the Russian Academy of Sciences
14.Elena Kreynes, Ph.D., Moscow State University named after M.V. Lomonosov
15.Nadezhda Volodko, PhD, IM SB Russian Academy of Sciences
16.Igor Moiseevich Krichever, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor
17.Sergey Vladuts, PhD, professeur, Aix-Marseille Univ.
18.Leonid Chekhov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Leading Researcher, MIAN V.A. Steklova
19.Sergey Smirnov, Ph.D., Associate Professor
20.Irina Bobrova, Postgraduate Student, Research Assistant, Faculty of Mathematics, National Research University Higher School of Economics, Moscow
21.Alexey Makarov, Ph.D., Professor
22.Ilya Sergeevich Vilkovisky, PhD student, Skoltech, Higher School of Economics
23.Gleb Koshevoy, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Chief Researcher
24.Marat Rovinsky, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Moscow
25.Vasily Goncharenko, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor, National Research University Higher School of Economics
26.Nikolai Yurievich Reshetikhin, Doctor of Phys.-Math. Sciences, Professor, Tsinghua University, Beijing, China
27.Pavel Gvozdevsky, PhD student, St. Petersburg State University
28.Anton Sergeevich Khoroshkin, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor, National Research University Higher School of Economics
29.Nina Sakharova, Ph.D., Associate Professor
30.Alexander Kuznetsov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Corresponding Member Russian Academy of Sciences
31.Alexey Anatolievich Gorelov, MIAN im. V.A. Steklova, PhD student
32.Sergey Kryzhevich, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Associate Professor
33.Elena Gurevich, Ph.D.
34.Fedor Bakharev, PhD, Senior Researcher, Chebyshev Laboratory, St. Petersburg State University
35.Boris Feigin, Doctor of Sciences, Professor
36.Sergey Loktev, Ph.D.
Petr Akhmetiev, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical 37.Sciences, Professor at MIEM Higher School of Economics, IZMIRAN
38.Alexandra Shcheglova, Ph.D., Associate Professor, St. Petersburg Electrotechnical University
39.Stepan Kuznetsov, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Senior Researcher, Mathematical Institute. V. A. Steklov Russian Academy of Sciences
40.Ilya Shchurov, PhD, Associate Professor, National Research University Higher School of Economics
41.Ivan Sergeyevich Shilin, Ph.D.
42.Ekaterina Amerik, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, Matfak Higher School of Economics
43.Mikhail Finkelberg, Ph.D., Professor
44.Boris Bychkov, PhD, Associate Professor, National Research University Higher School of Economics
45.Valentin Ovsienko, Ph.D., habilitation
46.Igor Lysenok, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Mathematical Institute. V.A. Steklova
47.Vladimir Gerdzhikov, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor, Institute of Mathematics and Informatics, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences
48.Andrey Solynin, Ph.D., St. Petersburg State University
49.Alexander Ivanovich Efimov, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Mathematical Institute. V.A. Steklov Russian Academy of Sciences
50.Artur Ryazano, Junior Researcher, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
51.Mikhail Anatolievich Tsfasman, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences
52.Lyubov Evgenievna Shenderova, Teacher
53.Sergey Nechaev, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Leading Researcher, Physical Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences
54.Nikolai Kuchumov, National Research University Higher School of Economics
55.Ilya Shkredov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Corresponding Member Russian Academy of Sciences, MIAN im.
56.V.A. Steklov Russian Academy of Sciences
57.Lev Lokutsievskiy, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics
58.Vasily Rogov, postgraduate student
59.Boris Kruglikov, PhD, Professor, UiT the Arctic University of Norway
60.Semyon Shlosman, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics
61.Alexander Kolesnikov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics
62.Anton Sergeevich Trushechkin, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Mathematical Institute.
63.Evgeny Smirnov, Ph.D.
64.Vladislav Vysotsky, Ph.D.
65.Alexey Slinkin, PhD
66.Anton Tselishchev, Ph.D., place of work: St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
67.Alexandra Skripchenko, Ph.D.
68.Evgeniy Stepanov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Senior Researcher
69.Andrey Agrachev, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics
70.Anton Andreevich Aizenberg, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor, National Research University, Higher School of Economics
71.Nikolai Mnev, Ph.D., St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
72.Andrey Igorevich Karol, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor
73.Mikhail Zhitlukhin, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Senior Researcher, MIAN im. V.A. Steklova
74.Tatyana Lazovskaya, Senior Lecturer, Peter the Great St. Petersburg Polytechnic University
75.Mikhail Bershtein, Ph.D.
76.Artem Avilov, PhD, Associate Professor, Research Fellow, Higher School of Economics
77.Natalya Vitalievna Pokhodnya, senior lecturer, mathematician
78.Maksim Beketov, Master, PhD student, assistant, FKN Higher School of Economics, MIPT
79.Sergey Mikhailovich Khoroshkin, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor, National Research University Higher School of Economics
80.Dmitry Gaifulin, Ph.D., Researcher, IPTP Russian Academy of Sciences
81.Valeria Shikheeva, Ph.D., Associate Professor
82.Konstantin Igorevich Pimenov, Ph.D., Department of Higher Algebra and Number Theory, St. Petersburg State University
83.Irina Maslyakova
84.Vadim Vologodsky, Ph.D., Professor, Higher School of Economics
85.Alexander Sinchukov, Ph.D.
86.Sergey Gorchinsky, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics
87.Yuri Malykhin, Ph.D., MIAN
88.Valentin Khrulkov, PhD, researcher, Yandex
89.Misha Verbitsky, Ph. D., Full Professor, IMPA – Instituto de Matemática Pura e Aplicada
90.Alexander Avdyushenko, PhD, Associate Professor, St. Petersburg State University
91.Stepan Denisovich Konenkov
92.Alexander Kiselev, Ph.D., St. Petersburg State University and ITMO
93.Daria Aksenova, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
94.Artyom Skvortsov, Student
95.Anastasia Stavrova, Ph.D.
96.Andronik Aramovich Arutyunov, Ph.D., Free University
97.Mikhail Lifshits, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor
98.Olga Petrovna Dalevskaya, Russian State Pedagogical University im. A. I. Herzen
99.Dmitry Korotkin, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor
100.Nina Nikolaevna Uraltseva, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, St. Petersburg State University
101.Yulia Ershova, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor
102.Mark Vinyals, Ph.D., Associate Professor, St. Petersburg State University
103.Alexey Ustinov, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor of the Russian Academy of Sciences
104.Nikita Aleksandrovich Nekrasov, Ph.D., Ph.D., professor
105.Sergey Komech, Ph.D., Russian Academy of Sciences
106.Viktor Lapshin, Ph.D., Associate Professor
107.Alexey Podobryaev, Ph.D.
108.Sergey Derkachev, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
109.Alexander Smal, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
110.Sergey Gennadyevich Kazakov, postgraduate student, OmSTU
111.Yuri Burman, Ph.D.
112.Kostya Druzhkov, Ph.D., Moscow State University
113.Ilya Vorobyov, PhD, Skoltech
114.Yuri Zakharyan, PhD student, Faculty of Mechanics and Mathematics, Moscow State University
115.Alexey Milovanov, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, National Research University Higher School of Economics
116.Konstantin Pravdin, Ph.D., ITMO University
117.Vladimir Vladimirovich Podolsky, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Leading Researcher, V.I. V.A. Steklova
118.Daniil Dmitrievich Rogozin, PhD student, IPTP Russian Academy of Sciences
119.Vladimir Ivanov, Ph.D.
120.Alexey Glazyrin, Ph.D.
121.Sergey Tikhomirov, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor, St. Petersburg State University
122.Anton Baranov, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor of the Russian Academy of Sciences
123.Alisa Sedunova, Ph.D., Associate Professor, St. Petersburg State University
124.Timur Mikhailovich Grozovsky, graduate, Faculty of Mechanics and Mathematics, Moscow State University
125.Andrey Marshakov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics
126.Yulia Petrova, Ph.D., St. Petersburg State University
127.Alexey Golota, PhD student, trainee researcher
128.Aleksey Tokarev, Ph.D., Associate Professor, PFUR
129.Anastasia Sofronova, PhD student, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
130.Aleksey Sergeevich Gordeev, Junior Researcher, International Mathematical Institute named after A.I. L. Euler
131.Grigory Taroyan, Intern Researcher, Higher School of Economics
132.Anton Andreevich Shafarevich, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor, Moscow State University M.V. Lomonosov, Faculty of Mechanics and Mathematics
133.Vladimir Sharich, Lecturer, Higher School of Economics
134.Ilya Kirillov, PhD student, University of Toronto
135.Pavel Zatitsky, Ph.D., Associate Professor
136.Elena Arsenyeva, PhD, Associate Professor, St. Petersburg State University
137.Tikhon Pshenitsyn, student, young scientist
138.Sergey Andreevich Sergeev, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor, IPMech Russian Academy of Sciences
139.Natalia Netrusova
140.Alexey Elagin, Ph.D.
Pavel Petrov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, Institute of Mathematics 141.and Computer Technologies, FEFU
142.Grigory Ryabov, Ph.D., Senior Researcher, IM SB Russian Academy of Sciences
143.Roman Krutovsky, phd student, UCLA
144.Valentina Kuskova, PhD
145.Elena Rozhdestvenskaya, Ph.D., Lecturer, Omsk branch of the Higher School of Economics
146.Andrey Konyaev, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Mechanics and Mathematics of Moscow State University
147.Kirill Ryadovkin, Ph.D., St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
148.Alexey Sosinsky, Ph.D., Professor, Vice-Rector, Independent Moscow University

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Questions related to this article:
 
Can the peace movement help stop the war in the Ukraine?

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149.Alexander Andreevich Polyansky, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor
150.Natalia Chebochko, PhD, Associate Professor, National Research University Higher School of Economics
151.Alexander Kulikov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor
152.Oleg Lychkovsky, PhD, Moscow
153.Alexander Shtern, PhD, Associate Professor, National Research University Higher School of Economics, Department of Mathematical Education
154.Ivan Andreevich Menshikov
155.Andrey Lavrenov, Ph.D., St. Petersburg State University
156.Alexander Mokeev, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Researcher, MIAN
157.Dmitry Malyugin, Ph.D.
158.Sergey Berlov, Ph.D., FML No. 239
159.Andrey Kupavsky, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology
160.Anna Ladneva, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Russian State University
161.Alexander Alexandrovich Gushchin, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics
162.Nikolai Mikhailovich Bogolyubov, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
163.Alexander Chuikin, PhD, Leading Specialist, St. Petersburg
164.Anatoly Zaikovsky, St. Petersburg State University
165.Ekaterina Ponomarenko, Ph.D., Mechanics and Mathematics, Moscow State University (graduate)
166.Evgeny Nikolaevich Abramov, research engineer, St. Petersburg State University
167.Petr Petrovich Nikolaev, Ph.D.
168.Mikhail Rotkevich, Research Engineer, St. Petersburg State University
169.Viktor Andreevich Vyalov, Ph.D., St. Petersburg State University
170.Vyacheslav Borovitsky, Ph.D., St. Petersburg State University, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
171.Evgeny Feigin, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor
172.Ilya Zlotnikov, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
173.Yana Teplitskaya, Ph.D.
174.Nikita Kalinin, Ph.D., Associate Professor
175.Vladimir Sosnilo, PhD, Modern Algebra and Applications Laboratory
176.Denis Igorevich Savelyev, IPTP Russian Academy of Sciences
177.Ilya Bogaevsky, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, Moscow State University
178.Nikolai Germanovich Moshchevitin, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, Faculty of Mechanics and Mathematics, Moscow State University
179.Pavel Steiner, PhD student, Moscow State University
180.Alexey Gorinov, PhD, Associate Professor, National Research University Higher School of Economics
181.Alexey Pirkovsky, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor
182.Boris Trushin, Ph.D.
183.Mila Trushchina
184.Elena Bashtova, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Mechanics and Mathematics of Moscow State University
185.Yuri Gennadyevich Zarkhin, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, Pennsylvania State University (Penn State)
186.Maria Platonova, Ph.D.
187.Maxim Pavlov, Ph.D., Researcher, Physical Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences
188.Alexander Mikhailov, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor
189.Gennady El, PhD, Professor, Northumbria University
190.Vladimir Nikolaevich Rubtsov, Ph.D., professor
191.Viktor Shcherbakov, Ph.D., ISIL SB Russian Academy of Sciences
192.Sergey Salishchev, Ph.D.
193.Michal Marvan, Ph.D., associate professor, postgraduate student of Moscow State University 1976 – 1981
194.Sergey Steiner, graduate of the Mekhmat of Moscow State University
195.Leonid Shalaginov, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor, ChelGU
196.Petr Romanovich Kosenko, PhD student, National Research University Higher School of Economics/University of Toronto
197.Alexander Ivanovich Bobenko, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor
198.Maria Esipchuk, no, beginner topologist
199.Anatolij Karolevich Prykarpatski, Dr hab., PhD, Professor, Cracow University of Technology
200.Lev Sukhanov
201.Tatyana Shulman, Ph.D.
202.Egor Bryukhov, Ph.D.
203.Anton Pershin, Ph.D., associate professor
204.Yuri Belousov, PhD student, Higher School of Economics
205.Gleb Baksheev, student, NMU
206.Daniil Musatov, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology
207.Alexey Stepanov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Associate Professor, St. Petersburg State University
208.Vasily Nekrasov, Student, Mechanics and Mathematics of Moscow State University
209.Dmitry Serkov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics
210.Vladislav Degtyarev, Candidate of Cultural Studies, Senior Research Fellow, Russian State Pedagogical University. Herzen
211.Kirill Vedenev, PhD student
212.Vladimir Vyacheslavovich Sokolov, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor
213.Sergei Sergeevich Yakovenko, Ph.D. student, University of Bonn
214.Mikhail Goltsblat, Intern Researcher, Higher School of Economics
215.Larisa Stetsenko, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Institute of Plant Physiology
216.Konstantin Taranin, junior researcher, Lomonosov Moscow State University M.V. Lomonosov
217.Philip Uvarov, Ph.D.
218.Eldar AKHMEDOV, mathematician
219.Yuri Yakubovich, Ph.D.
220.Gleb Pogudig, Ph.D.
221.Vadim Gizatulin, student
222. Gavrilyuk, Ph.D., Expert
223.Sergey Akbarov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, National Research University Higher School of Economics
224.Dmitry Krekov, PhD student, Skoltech
225.Stepan Orevkov, Ph.D.
226.Ekaterina Lipacheva, Ph.D., Associate Professor
227.Nadezhda Khoroshavkina, Intern Researcher, Higher School of Economics
228.Alexander Veretennikov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor
229.Andrey Lodkin, Ph.D., Associate Professor
230.Grigory Papaanov, postgraduate student
231.Anna Vladimirovna Gladkaya, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor, St. Petersburg State University, National Research University Higher School of Economics
232.Elena Lebedeva, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, St. Petersburg State University
233.Yuri Davydov, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor
234.Ilya Ponomarenko, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
235.Alexander Vorotnikov, student
236.Olga Semenova, Ph.D., Senior Lecturer, Associate Professor, St. Petersburg State University, ITMO
237.Sergei Pustovoitov, PhD student, Moscow State University
238.Alexander Borisovich Pushnitsky, Ph.D., professor, member of the St. Petersburg Math. societies
239.Mikhail Arsenievich Semenov-Tyan-Shansky, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences
240.Vanya Karpov, Intern Researcher, MLTPMF Higher School of Economics-Skoltech
241.Alexander Zvonkin, professor emeritus, University of Bordeaux, France
242.Mikhail Denisov, Ph.D., Associate Professor
243.Maria Skopina, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, St. Petersburg State University
244.Irina Kharcheva, PhD student
245.Vladimir Protasov, Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Professor, Mechanics and Mathematics of Moscow State University
246.Dmitry Vasilevich, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor
247.Artur Vaganyan, Ph.D., Senior Lecturer, Russian State Pedagogical University named after A. I. Herzen
248.Alexander Vladimirovich Sobolev, PhD, Professor, University College London
249.Yaroslav Blagushin, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences (Docteur), Researcher, formerly Associate Professor, Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences
250.Anna Kononova, Ph.D., St. Petersburg State University
251.Nikolai Kitanin, Ph.D., Professor, Université de Bourgogne
252.Alexandra Zvonareva, Ph.D.
253.Sergey Fedorov, Ph.D., Moscow State University Lomonosov, National Research University Higher School of Economics
254.Evgeny Statnik, PhD student, trainee researcher
255.Vladimir Fok, PhD, Professor, University of Strasbourg
256.Alexey Pastor, Ph.D., St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
257.Yuriy Burago, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor
258.Vasilisa Alexandrovna Shramchenko, Ph.D., Professor, University of Sherbrooke
259.Dmitry Sergeevich Mokeev, Lecturer, Higher School of Economics
260.Daria Teplova, Ph.D., B. I. Verkin Institute for Low Temperature Physics and Technology of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
261.Yuri Farkov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor
262.Natalia Semenova, Mathematician, teacher by education
263.Artem Gureev, PhD student, University of Western Ontario
264.Andrey Shilnikov, Ph.D., Professor, Georgia State University
265.Roman Karasev, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Associate Professor, IPTP Russian Academy of Sciences
266.Alexey Zobnin, Ph.D.
267.Viktor Ginzburg, Ph.D., professor
268.Vasily Vasyunin, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
269.Vladimir Stukopin, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics
270.Alexander Panov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics
271.Vladimir Panov, Ph.D., Associate Professor
272.Alexander Tiskin, DPhil (Oxford), Associate Professor
273.Igor Igorevich Tagiltsev, post-graduate student of MMF NSU, junior researcher ISIL SB Russian Academy of Sciences
274.Boris Volkov, Ph.D., Associate Professor
275.Tsvyatko Rangelov, PhD, Professor, IMI, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences
276.Krutov Andrey, Ph.D., IMCAS
277.Egor Stepanov, PhD
278.Dmitry Chelkak, Ph.D.
279.Ksenia Dmitrievna Mukhina, Ph.D.
280.Mikhail Zvagelsky, Ph.D.
281.Valentin Skvortsov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, Moscow State University
282.Alexander Kalmynin, postgraduate student, research assistant, National Research University Higher School of Economics
283.Nikolai Nikolsky, PhD, professor emeritus, Ampère Prize 2010 of the French Academy of Sciences, IM Université de Bordeaux, France
284.Alexey Nikitin, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor, Lomonosov Moscow State University M.V. Lomonosov
285.Maria Ronzhina, Ph.D., Associate Professor
286.Olga Aleksandrovna Ivanova, Mathematics teacher
287.Anna Kirpichnikova, PhD
288.Tatiana Svorovska, PhD, editor of the European Journal of Mathematics
289.Svetlana Puzynina, Ph.D.
290.Mikhail Vladimirovich Gubko, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor of the Russian Academy of Sciences, IPU Russian Academy of Sciences
291.Maxim Panov, Ph.D.
292.Vitaly Volpert, CNRS, France
293.Yuri Savateev, PhD, Birkbeck, University of London
294.Timofey Grigoriev, master
295.Mikhail Svintsov, ITMO University
296.Sergey Zyubin, Ph.D., Associate Professor
297.Dmitry Korikov, Ph.D., St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
298.Elena Kirshanova, PhD, IKBFU I. Kant
299.Sergey V. Dyachenko, Ph.D., developer of science-intensive software (mathematical modeling)
300.Temirlan Ergalievich Abildaev, Master student, St. Petersburg State University
301.Ivan Sergeevich Khomich, Scientific Supervisor, Novosibirsk State University
302.Anastasia Andreevna Kuznetsova, Research Laboratory Assistant, Ural Federal University
303.Kirill Safronov, Senior Lecturer, SPbGMTU
304.Alexander Komlov, Ph.D., senior researcher, Mathematical Institute. V.A. Steklov Russian Academy of Sciences
305.Dmitry Yarotsky, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Associate Professor
306.Anastasia Matveeva, postgraduate student, Polytechnic University of Barcelona
307.Daria Rudneva, PhD student, Higher School of Economics/Skoltech
308.Nikita Ilyich Shamich, student, FEFU
309.Sofia Afanasyeva, Ph.D.
310.Sergey Gelfand, Ph.D.
311.Alexander Gavrilyuk, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Shimane University
312.Asiyat Abukova, Student, Faculty of Mechanics and Mathematics, Department of Second Higher Education, Lomonosov Moscow State University
313.Galina Sidorenko, Ph.D.
314.Sergey Alexandrovich Filyukov, postgraduate student, researcher
315.Mikhail M. Lopatin, Junior Research Fellow, IKBFU I. Kant
316.Alexander Samokhin, Ph.D.
317.Andrey Nikolaevich Subochev, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor, Senior Researcher, National Research University Higher School of Economics
318.Sergey Rybakov, Ph.D., senior researcher IPTP Russian Academy of Sciences
319.Georgy Alfimov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Associate Professor
320.Nikolai Pogodaev, Ph.D.
321.Yury Vasiliev, Senior Lecturer, St. Petersburg State University of Economics
322.Nikita Safonkin, Skoltech PhD Student, Research Assistant, Faculty of Mathematics, Higher School of Economics
323.Ruslan Garipov, Bachelor
324.Ilya Vladimirovich, MacSolutions
325.Sergey Yagunov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Ph D., St. Petersburg Branch of the Mathematical Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences
326.Maxim Staritsyn, Ph.D., ISDTU SB Russian Academy of Sciences
327.Ivan Burenev, PhD student, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
328.Sergey Sadovnichuk, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Omsk State University
329.Fedor Khandarov, Ph.D.
330.Daniil Rudenko, PhD, Assistant Professor, University of Chicago
331.Svyatoslav Gryaznov, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
332.Alexander Volochkov, Ph.D., Associate Professor
333.Vladimir Borisenko, Ph.D., researcher, Moscow State University
334.Maxim Kostyuchek, IPU Russian Academy of Sciences
335.Anastasia Makarova, Teacher, School
336.Eduard Lerner, Ph.D., Associate Professor, KFU
337.Vladimir Polyakov, Ph.D., Tula
338.Dmitry Golikov, Bachelor of Mathematics
339.Natalia Trofimova, Graduate of the Moscow State University, Entrepreneur
340.Anna Uryson, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences
341.Alexander Abramovich Davydov, Ph.D., IPTP Russian Academy of Sciences n. collaborator
342.Alexander Andreevich Podolsky, graduate of the Faculty of Mechanics and Mathematics of Moscow State University
343.Mikhail Gabdullin, Ph.D., MIAN im. Steklov, Moscow State University
344.Andrey Ryabichev, Ph.D.
345.Alexey Minabutdinov, PhD, ETH
346.Evgeny Varfolomeev, Ph.D.
347.Mikhail Minin, PhD student, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
348.Alexander Alexandrovich Agafontsev, M. Sc., Lecturer, St. Petersburg State University of Economics
349.Natalia Strelkova, Ph.D.
350.Ilya Binder, Ph.D., Professor, University of Toronto
351.Ivan Utkin, Ph.D., Faculty of Mechanics and Mathematics, Moscow State University
352.Yaroslav Bazaikin, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics

Peace appeal from leading chess players of Russia to the President of the Russian Federation

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An article by Yana Metlyova in Championat (translation by CPNN)

Appeal to the President of the Russian Federation from Russian chess players.

We oppose military actions on the territory of Ukraine and call for an early ceasefire and a peaceful solution to the conflict through dialogue and diplomatic negotiations. It is unbearably painful for us to see the catastrophe that is happening these days with our peoples.


Ian Nepomniachtchi

We have always played for Russia in individual and, with particular pride, in team competitions. We believe that chess, like sports in general, should bring people together. The most difficult and prestigious international tournaments were held in our country at the highest level even in the midst of the pandemic.

Chess teaches responsibility for one’s actions; every step counts, and a mistake can lead to a fatal point of no return. And if this has always been about sports, now people’s lives, basic rights and freedoms, human dignity, the present and future of our countries are at stake.

In these tragic days, we think of all the people who found themselves in the center of this terrible conflict. We share the pain with our Ukrainian colleagues and call for peace.

The Ukrainian chess team is the reigning European champion, one of the best teams in the world along with ours. We played dozens of matches and hundreds of games. We have always put the game above politics – and the Ukrainians have responded to us in return. We ask you to give teams, players and ordinary people from both countries a chance for mutual respect.

We are for peace. Stop the war!

(Continued in right column)

Questions related to this article:
 
Can the peace movement help stop the war in the Ukraine?

(Continued from left column)

The petition is signed by:

Ian Nepomniachtchi, grandmaster, Honored Master of Sports of Russia, two-time Russian champion, European champion, vice-world champion, two-time world champion, European champion as part of the Russian team, winner of the FIDE Online Olympiad as part of the Russian team;

Alexandra Kosteniuk, grandmaster, Honored Master of Sports of Russia, 12th world champion, Russian champion, World Cup winner, three-time Olympic champion with the Russian team, two-time world champion and five-time European champion with the Russian team;

Daniil Dubov, grandmaster, world champion in rapid chess, European champion as a member of the Russian team and winner of two online Olympiads as a member of the Russian team;

Petr Svidler, grandmaster, Honored Master of Sports of Russia, eight-time champion of Russia, winner of the World Cup, five-time winner of the World Chess Olympiads as part of the Russian team, two-time winner of the World Team Championship as part of the Russian team, three-time winner of the European Team Championship as part of the Russian team;

Andrey Esipenko, grandmaster, winner of two online Olympiads as part of the Russian team;

Maxim Matlakov, grandmaster, European champion, European champion as part of the Russian team;

Kirill Alekseenko, grandmaster, participant of the Candidates Tournament, European champion in the Russian team;

Alexander Motylev, grandmaster, Russian champion, European champion, coach of the Russian men’s team;

Evgeny Naer, grandmaster, European champion, coach of the Russian women’s team;

Pavel Tregubov, grandmaster, European champion;

Anton Demchenko, grandmaster, European champion;

Mikhail Kobalia, grandmaster, senior coach of the Russian youth team;

Alexander Khalifman, grandmaster, FIDE world champion, two-time Olympic champion in the Russian team;

Valentina Gunina, Grandmaster, Honored Master of Sports of Russia, multiple champion of Russia and Europe in the individual competition, three-time Olympic champion with the Russian team, world champion, six-time European champion with the Russian team, winner of two online Olympiads with the Russian team;

Polina Shuvalova, International Master, World Junior Chess Champion, Russian Rapid Champion, World and European Champion as a member of the Russian team, winner of two online Olympiads as a member of the Russian team;

Alina Kashlinskaya, grandmaster, European champion, world champion and two-time European champion as part of the Russian team;

Igor Lysy, grandmaster, champion of Russia;

Dmitry Kryakvin, grandmaster, journalist;

Vladimir Barsky, international master, journalist;

Mark Glukhovsky, master candidate, organizer;

Maxim Notkin, international master, journalist;

Maxim Chigaev, grandmaster;

Anastasia Chigaeva, FIDE Master;

Olga Badelko, grandmaster;

Pavel Ponkratov, grandmaster;

Alexander Shimanov, grandmaster;

Igor Berdichevsky, grandmaster;

Ivan Rozum, grandmaster;

Ildar Khairullin, grandmaster;

Artur Gabrielyan, grandmaster;

Nikita Petrov, grandmaster;

Evgeny Gleizerov, grandmaster;

Artem Odegov, FIDE Master;

Konstantin Mesropov, International Master;

Svetlana Ershova, Women’s International Master;

Evgeny Egorov, international master;

Anna Volkova, organizer;

Eteri Kublashvili, FIDE Women’s Master;

Yana Sidorchuk, organizer;

Anna Burtasova, women’s grandmaster;

Denis Grigoriev, journalist;

Ilya Gorodetsky, candidate master, commentator;

Oleg Pervakov, grandmaster, multiple world champion in chess composition, journalist.

Russian regulator censors Ukraine war coverage, reporters told to toe Kremlin line

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An article from Reporters Without Borders

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) supports the efforts of Russia’s independent journalists and media outlets to provide reliable news coverage despite the clampdown imposed by the Kremlin as a result of its war in Ukraine, which has increased the many obstacles they have already had to deal with.


Journalists work in the news room of the independent Dozhd (Rain) television channel in Moscow, Russia. © 2021 AP/Denis Kaminev, reprinted from Human Rights Watch

Читать на русском / Read in Russian

Russia’s media regulator, Roskomnadzor, has become a “Ministry of Truth,” as the independent Journalists and Media Workers Union courageously pointed out. The words “war,” “attack” and “invasion” are now banned  from the media. Only information from “official Russian sources” – the defence ministry – is now permitted. Information about military losses or troop moral had already been classified  since October. Any attempt to provide such coverage is liable to result in prosecution or inclusion on the “foreign agents” list.
 
Yesterday, Roskomnadzor blocked  access to at least six online media outlets because of their war coverage – Nastoyashchee Vremya, an online TV channel run by the Prague-based US broadcaster Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), Krym Realii, an RFE/RL subsidiary in Crimea, the opposition media outlet The New Times, the student newspaper  Doxa , the Russian version of the Interfax-Ukraine news agency and the Ukrainian pro-government news site Gordon.

“The information war is in full swing in Russia,” said Jeanne Cavelier, the head of RSF’s Eastern Europe and Central Asia desk. “President Vladimir Putin needs to put all the media on a battle footing in order to justify the invasion of Ukraine to Russian citizens by concealing the war’s victims. But the Pravda era is over. We support independent media outlets that are providing reliable news coverage in this very fraught context.”
 
Prosecutions
 
Roskomnadzor has also initiated proceedings  against at least ten media outlets, including Radio Echo of Moscow, the popular news site Mediazona, Dozhd TV and the investigative newspaper Novaya Gazeta, for “disseminating false information.” Novaya Gazeta’s high profile editor, Nobel peace laureate Dmitry Muratov, posted a  video  calling for a major anti-war movement and published the newspaper’s 26 February issue in both Russian and Ukrainian in a show of solidarity. It was probably for posting his video – containing the word “war” – on its website that the trade magazine Journalist is also being prosecuted, although it later removed the video. 

(Continued in right column)

(click here for the article in French or click here for the article in Spanish.)

Questions related to this article:
 
Free flow of information, How is it important for a culture of peace?

How can we be sure to get news about peace demonstrations?

(Continued from left column)

Roskomnadzor accused these media outlets of publishing “false information about the shelling of Ukrainian cities and the death of civilians in Ukraine as a result of the actions of the Russian Army, as well as content in which the ongoing operation is called an attack, invasion or a declaration of war.”
 
After receiving warnings from Roskomnadzor, other media outlets deleted content that was not to the Kremlin’s liking because they feared that their websites could be blocked or they could be fined up to 5 million roubles (more than 50,000 euros). This was the case with Prospekt Mira, an online media outlet based in the Siberian city of Krasnoyarsk, which had to take down an article referring to explosions in Ukrainian cities.
 
Social media have also been targeted. Internet access providers have restricted  access to Twitter, while Roskomnadzor has begun restricting access to Facebook, as announced  on 25 February, after Facebook decided to reduce search engine result links to certain state-owned and pro-government media outlets. Pavel Durov, the founder of the encrypted messaging service Telegram, said he was planning   to restrict access to his platform in Ukraine and Russia because of the uncontrolled spread of fake news on many Telegram channels, but he later retracted.
 
Arrests of journalists
 
Journalists have been arrested over war-related reporting. Polina Ulanovskaya of the SotaVision website, and at least three other reporters from local news sites – 93.ru’s Valeria Dulskaya and Yuga.ru’s Valeria Kirsanova and Nikita Zyrianov – were summarily arrested while covering an anti-war demonstration in the southwestern city Krasnodar on 27 February. They were released  in the evening.
 
Three reporters with RFE/RL’s Russian service Radio Svoboda – Ivan Voronin, Artyom Radygin and Nikita Tatarskiy – were arrested while covering an anti-war protest in Moscow on 24 February, and spent six hours in a police station  before being released without charge when their lawyers intervened.
 
Novaya Gazeta journalists Ilya Azar and Ivan Zhilin, and two Radio Svoboda journalists, reporter Sergei Khazov-Kassia and cameraman Andrei Kiselev, spent more than two hours in a police station   on 26 February after being arrested while preparing to cover an anti-war protest in Belgorod, a city near the Ukrainian border.
 
When the two Novaya Gazeta journalists entered a hospital with a view to interviewing injured people who had been taken there, a guard asked them to leave, they reported in a story   published the same day. “Yesterday, a journalist from Belsat [a Belarusian exile TV channel based in Poland] was manhandled in this hospital and was forced to delete all of her photos,” they reported, added that “she says she saw more than we did.”
 
Harassment

As leading victims of the government clampdown, journalists have also protested, despite the risks. Some have been arrested while standing on their own with a sign criticising censorship – the only permitted form of protest. Pressure has been placed on others. For example, Elena Chernenko, the head of the business daily Kommersant’s foreign desk, was excluded from the pool of Kremlin-accredited reporters for publishing an open letter opposing the war that was signed by more than 300 journalists.
 
The state media are meanwhile moving into battle. The Rossiya 1 TV channel decided on 27 February to grant much more airtime to shows carrying government propaganda, such as the talk-show presented by Vladimir Soloviev, a star TV host who is the target of international sanctions . “In Russia, Russian officials and journalists should be purged if they don’t support Putin,” he said during his show  on 24 February.
 
Russia is ranked 150th out of 180 countries in RSF’s 2021 World Press Freedom Index.