All posts by CPNN Coordinator

About CPNN Coordinator

Dr David Adams is the coordinator of the Culture of Peace News Network. He retired in 2001 from UNESCO where he was the Director of the Unit for the International Year for the Culture of Peace, proclaimed for the Year 2000 by the United Nations General Assembly.

USA: New Haven Peaces Out. A Bit

. .DEMOCRATIC PARTICIPATION. .

An article by Aliyya Swaby, New Haven Independent (reprinted by permission)

The public schools “restorative justice” plan and the resettling of refugees in town strengthened New Haven’s “culture of peace” this past year, according to a new report.

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Almost 200 “pink out” for Planned Parenthood (Photo by Lucy Gellman, New Haven Independent).

Compiled by the New Haven Peace Commission, the third annual report — “The State of the Culture of Peace in New Haven” — incorporates anonymous statements from 15 local activists on the ways that the city is improving or stagnating in eight different categories.

The conclusion: New Haven is moving toward peace. But slowly.

The report judges peace in New Haven by eight categories based on the United Nations Culture of Peace initiative launched in 1989. Each category was developed as a contrast to a characteristic of the culture of war: sustainable and equitable development, democratic participation, equality of women, tolerance and solidarity, disarmament and security, education for peace, free flow of information, and human rights.

Report author David Adams was at UNESCO until 2001, where he worked on the “Culture of Peace Programme” for promoting peace efforts nationwide. Nations, Adams said, operate under cultures of war, dominated by armament, propaganda, economic inequality and authoritarian control. But cities need cultures of peace to be successful.

“Cities don’t have enemies. Countries have enemies,” he said. “If we want to change the world and make peace, we should work at the level of the city and not at the level of the state.”

The full report can be read here.

The activists spoke anonymously, so that they spoke honestly, Adams said. “What you see is that it’s not perfect, but the city does work for the culture of peace.” The adoption of restorative justice in New Haven Public Schools, allowing kids to work through their problems instead of suspending them for disciplinary issues, is a major step forward in promoting peace, he said.

The Peace Commission is working to set up meetings with the chairs of Board of Alders education and youth committees in order to push for permanent funding for the restorative justice program. “Restorative justice addresses fundamental problems in the culture of peace. If we can do it in the schools, we can do it in society as a whole,” he said.

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Questions for this article:

How can culture of peace be developed at the municipal level?

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New Haven’s Integrated Refugee & Immigrant Services (IRIS) jumped into the national media in November for welcoming a family of Syrian refugees after the governor of Indiana refused to accept them into the state. This is an example of a “solidarity program” promoting community despite inequality in the city, according to the report.

The report also tracks programs that have not lived up to expectations from past years. Though the first peace report in 2013 lauded jobs program New Haven Works when it was first created to address unemployment and under-employment, this year’s report calls those early hopes “largely unfulfilled.”

New Haven Works has found jobs for 500 people in 18 months. That number is a “drop in the bucket,” the report quotes an activist saying.

Another major area of stagnation in creating a culture of peace in the city, according to Adams, is lack of sustainable, equitable development. Though thousands of new apartments are being developed, many are luxury units, “far beyond the reach of those who are being forced out of Church Street South, not to mention families and individuals already homeless or in over-crowded housing,” the report reads.

The prominence of women in politics this year—including Mayor Toni Harp’s reelection and Board of Alder President Tyisha Walker’s election by fellow alders—is a good model for woman’s equality, according to the report.

And New Haven supported Planned Parenthood at a rally on the Green against nationwide attacks attempting to cut sexual health services for women, the report says.

But women are largely heads of their households among the urban poor and often employed part-time or for low wages without benefits, the report said. Many have husbands or boyfriends in prison or who cannot find jobs because of a record.

The first report in 2013 said it was too early to judge whether community policing would be effective in New Haven. The new report characterizes it as still a work in progress.

“It takes a while to change the police force,” Adams said. “Developing trust takes years … Hopefully it will continue to move forward.” In other cities, the police are seen as an “occupying army, not as the fabric of the city.”

Earlier this week, the Peace Commission met to discuss the report and consider issues to address next year. Adams said it will continue pushing for a permanent restorative justice program and will need to come to consensus on another task.

A half dozen people sit on the commission. “The problem is when a lot of people think of peace, they think of business between countries. But when you talk about a culture of peace and define it this way, it becomes clear that it’s something people can do in their daily lives,” Adams said. “It brings peace home.”

DEMOCRATIC PARTICIPATION, North America

Book review: Hilary Klein’s Compañeras: Zapatista Women’s Stories

. . WOMEN’S EQUALITY . .

A book review by Alicia Swords, North American Congress on Latin America

Hilary Klein (2015) Compañeras: Zapatista Women’s Stories. New York: Seven Stories Press.

When poor, indigenous people and peasants took over land and municipal governments in Chiapas, Mexico on January 1, 1994 just as the North American Free Trade Agreement went into effect, the uprising shook the world. Through individual interviews and collective interviews at women’s assemblies, Hilary Klein’s book, Compañeras, charts the changes in women’s roles, leadership, rights, and power in intimate relationships, families, and communities that the Zapatista movement brought.

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Zapatista collectve bakery, Olga Isabel, Chiapas, Mexico. (Hilary Klein)

The title Compañeras captures the core of Klein’s project, which both describes her subject, Zapatista women and their political relationships, as well as her approach of being a compañera herself by building relationships of trust and mutual support. From 1997 to 2003, Klein worked in collaboration with women’s collectives in Zapatista communities in Chiapas. She co-developed a project called Mujer y Colectivismo, which supported Zapatista women’s cooperatives with leadership development, popular education materials, regional gatherings, and rotating loan funds. Regional authorities asked her to teach basic mathematics to women who needed these skills to run their cooperatives. In times of heavy state repression, she joined human rights delegations to interview women after military attacks on their communities. In the process Klein developed a high degree of trust with women leaders; she “slept in their homes, worked in their cornfields with them, and played with their children” (p. xxii). The richness of the interviews and collective testimony through group interviews is based on thattrust.

Other sympathetic outsiders-with-inside-perspectives and engaged scholar-activists in Chiapas have written about the Zapatistas, including June Nash, Rich Stahler-Sholk, Leandro Vergara-Camus, Mariana Mora, and Shannon Speed, to name a few. Klein’s work in Compañeras reflects this sort of committed engagement at its best.

With so much outside interest, Zapatista authorities developed criteria for engagement and meaningful involvement for scholars. In 2001, Zapatista women authorities in Morelia and La Garrucha asked Klein to conduct a set of interviews in more than two dozen communities to document and teach about the movement’s history from women’s perspectives. It is significant that Compañeras grew out of these interviews, driven by the movement participants’ own desire to teach the history of their organizing. Unlike descriptions of movements intended solely to inform outsiders, Compañeras addresses questions that clearly matter to the Zapatista women themselves, along with questions that matter to outsiders hoping to bring lessons from the Zapatista movement to their own spheres.

Each chapter uses both individual and collective interviews. The first three chapters outline the history and emergence of the Zapatista movement. We learn the history of injustices in Chiapas through interviews with mothers and grandmothers of Zapatista insurgents. Women military commanders describe their experiences of the 1994 uprising, and insurgents discuss the challenges of clandestine organizing. Participants explain the complex relationship between the liberation theology and the Zapatista movement, women’s struggles to rid communities of alcohol, the first above-ground organizing, the 1994 uprising, and the passage of the Women’s Revolutionary Law.

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Question for this article

Do women have a special role to play in the peace movement?

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Chapters four and five address how women have changed power dynamics in Chiapas through struggles over land and militarization. Building on historical struggles for land, we see how women participated in the Zapatista land takeovers and current struggles against neoliberal land privatization policies. We learn of the militarization, the failed San Andrés dialogues, and of confrontations with the military in their communities in 1998.

The remaining chapters, six through nine, reveal women’s experiences within the process and structures of the Zapatista movement. “Women who give birth to new worlds” chronicles the evolution of women’s participation and leadership in the Zapatistas’ political structure, economic cooperatives, and regional gatherings, along with changes in the Zapatistas’ own gender analysis. “Zapatista Autonomy” describes a range of women’s experiences in the emerging autonomous systems: Good Government Councils, the community justice system, health care and education. “Transformation and Evolution,”depicts the unevenness of changes in women’s rights and their ability to exercise those rights, acknowledging challenges and gaps between rhetoric and reality. It also highlights new strategies, such as consciousness-raising with men, shifting expectations for men’s involvement in domestic work, and raising children with new gender ideas. “Beyond Chiapas” shows efforts by Zapatista women to connect with women beyond Chiapas to build a broader movement for justice and dignity.

Maps, a timeline, glossary, and a list of suggested readings make this book an accessible introductory resource on the Zapatistas for students, organizers, and scholars. Throughout, Klein’s account reflects deep respect, comprehension, complexity, and nuance. She combines systematic research, a genuine desire for the movement to achieve its goals, and the honesty to carefully examine its shortcomings.

Latin America, WOMEN'S EQUALITY

Center for Peace Building and Reconciliation in Sri Lanka, to receive the Niwano Peace Prize

EDUCATION FOR PEACE .

A press release from the Niwano Peace Foundation

While a relatively small island of twenty-two million people, Sri Lanka is a diverse country, home to multiple religions, ethnic groups, and languages. The country has suffered decades of violence and a civil war, which was ended only in 2009. Making things worse, Sri Lanka was hit by the deadly Indian Ocean tsunami of 2004. The end of the war brought new hope for sustainable peace, but the challenges to its achievement remain large.

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Photo from project Defusing tensions and promoting peace in Sri Lanka by the Center for Peace Building and Reconciliation

The Centre for Peace Building and Reconciliation was founded in 2002 by Dishani Jayaweera and Jayantha Seneviratne, who are also life partners and Sinhala Buddhists by birth. The CPBR is a non-profit organization promoting peacebuilding, peace-making and non-violent conflict transformation. It supports personal and societal transformation within and between ethnic, religious, linguistic and regional communities in Sri Lanka, working at all the grassroots, local and national levels. To achieve goals of national reconciliation, the CPBR focuses those considered to hold the greatest influence and promise for transformation: religious leaders, women, and young people.

The presentation ceremony will take place in Tokyo, Japan, on Thursday, May 12th, at 10:30 a.m. In addition to an award certificate, the CPBR’s representative will receive a medal and twenty million yen.

To avoid undue emphasis on any particular religion or region, every year the Peace Foundation solicits nominations from people of recognized intellectual and religious stature around the world. In the nomination process, some 600 people and organizations, representing 125 countries and many religions, are asked to propose candidates. Nominations are rigorously screened by the Niwano Peace Prize International Selection Committee, which was set up in May of 2003 on the occasion of the 20th Anniversary of the Niwano Peace Prize. The Committee presently consists of ten religious leaders from various parts of the world, all of whom are involved in movements for peace and inter-religious cooperation. Here are some comments by members of the Committee on the selection of the CPBR for this year’s award:

– I support this organization because there is evidence in its work that positive results are achieved under trying and challenging circumstances. I am inspired and encouraged by the fact that it is locally led, and that its approach to peace building combines the energy and creativity of the youth, with the invaluable wisdom of clergy and the elders. (Ms. Nomfundo Walaza)

– I’ve been aware of the long war in Sri Lanka that ended in 2009. Despite that sadly conflicts have flared up from time to time because of the lack of reconciliation work between the religious communities. CPBR works to build trust and social ties that is key to reconciliation and peace engaging youth and religious leaders. Two Sinhala Buddhists set up the Center with compassion for humanity based on their Buddhist beliefs. (Shaykh Ibrahim Mogra)

EDUCATION FOR PEACE, South Asia

Netherlands: The Peaceable School

EDUCATION FOR PEACE .

Excerpts from the Manual for the Peaceable School, submitted to CPNN by John Zant

This programme, The Peaceable School, was designed in 1999 for use in Dutch primary schools to improve the social and emotional climate in school and classroom, by teaching pupils and teachers how to resolve conflicts constructively and by promoting pupil participation and community- building. The Peaceable School is widely spread in The Netherlands: by 2007, approximately 300 primary schools have implemented the programme (a yearly increase of approximately 50 schools). . .

zant

The Peaceable School has become a programme that strives to make school and class into a democratic community in which everyone feels responsible and involved, with the resolution of conflicts as its starting point. This programme teaches pupils, teachers and parents skills for resolving conflicts, other than by (physical or verbal) violence.

The programme includes a series of lessons for all age groups (including activities for children in Pre-school), intensive training for teachers, classroom observation and coaching and workshops for parents (see section 4). Besides training in conflict-resolution skills, all those involved learn to live with each other in a positive way by setting high standards of behaviour towards each other.

Increasing the responsibility of the pupils for their class and the school is key to this: the school as a community. Pupils learn to be responsible for the resolution of problems in the class and at school. Peer mediation is the most obvious result.

In this programme, peer mediation does not stand alone, but is part of an extensive curriculum. Through the weekly lessons, the pupils gradually work towards a climate in which the resolution of conflicts, other than by violence, becomes normal. Only when all the pupils know what mediation is and have practised it, does the school train a number of them specially as mediators.

Research results of surveys of similar programmes in the U.S. are encouraging. Evaluation research shows a significant reduction of incidents, suspensions, insults, punishments, etc. in all the schools that have implemented conflict resolution and peer mediation (Metis Associates, Inc., The Resolving conflict creatively programme: 1988-1989. Summary of significant findings. New York, 1990). Nearly all the schools report improvement in the general school climate. A large survey of 15 schools in New York, in which 5000 7 to 11-year-old pupils were followed, shows a significant decline in aggressive behaviour and a significant rise in achievement in reading and arithmetic by pupils who had followed more than 25 lessons from the curriculum (Aber J.L., Brown J., and C.C. Henrich, Teaching Conflict Resolution: an effective school-based approach to violence prevention. The National Center for Children in Poverty. New York, 1999).

After two years, nearly all the schools working with The Peaceable School in The Netherlands report a considerable change in the culture. Simple measurements (with thermometers, check-lists, observation) show progress in the actual and sensed feeling of security in almost all the schools.

Question for this article:
EDUCATION FOR PEACE, Europe

Afrique: Pour Que Vive La Liberté Promise

LIBERTÉ DE L’INFORMATION .

Un article par Nestor Bidadanure (abrégé)

Quel est le facteur idéologique majeur qui légitime la violence identitaire dans l’Afrique post-coloniale? Comment le concept de Culture de Paix peut-il contribuer à l’instauration d’une paix durable en Afrique ?

Nestor
Illustration of article from The Thinker (copyright shutterstock)

L’héritage de la liberté

« Chaque génération doit, dans une relative opacité, découvrir sa mission, la remplir ou la trahir » disait Frantz Fanon, dans son livre Les Damnés de la terre, rédigé en 1961 et qui influencera fortement la conscience politique des militants anticolonialistes et tiers-mondistes de son époque. Si nous nous plaçons du côté des générations qui ont vécu l’esclavage, la colonisation et l’apartheid, nous pouvons dire, avec une certaine prudence, que la réalité politique du continent africain s’est aujourd’hui globalement améliorée. Les lois qui légitimaient l’inégalité entre les humains et justifiaient l’occupation des territoires des peuples des cultures différentes ont été abolies. Des dirigeants progressistes africains ont réussi à déjouer des manipulations identitaires coloniales en fédérant les résistances internes et organisant les solidarités panafricanistes et internationales avec d’autres peuples en lutte. La violence politique et économique que continuent de vivre de nombreux peuples africains ne doit nous faire oublier les victoires remportées sur l’oppression. Grâce à la lutte des peuples, d’importants droits économiques et sociaux ont été conquis dans une large partie du continent. Une certaine égalité citoyenne et de genre a vu le jour sur les décombres des lois discriminatoires. Nous devons nous souvenir qu’aucun droit n’est naturel : chaque espace de liberté dont nous jouissons aujourd’hui est le fruit des batailles épiques des peuples pour la justice et la dignité humaine.

Outre la culture de résistance, nous sommes aussi les héritiers des valeurs et techniques de résolution pacifique des conflits. Face à des tragédies comme l’apartheid, le génocide au Rwanda, la guerre au Mozambique, nous avons vu les peuples puiser dans leur culture ancienne pour sortir de l’impasse et réconcilier des sociétés durement éprouvées.

C’est grâce à l’héritage de la liberté des combattants d’hier que nous pouvons aujourd’hui regarder l’avenir avec optimisme et affirmer avec certitude qu’une Afrique meilleure est possible. En fait le défi majeur de notre génération ne consiste pas à commencer l’histoire mais à refuser de s’arrêter au milieu du long chemin parcouru par les générations qui nous ont précédés dans la lutte pour liberté. Car aussi longtemps que subsistera la guerre et la pauvreté dans la plus petite portion du continent africain, la liberté promise par les pères du panafricanisme aura besoin d’autres héros pour advenir. Tant qu’existeront des peuples privés de liberté quelque part au monde, nul ne devra se sentir totalement libre.

La mission de la génération post-coloniale et post-apartheid que nous sommes consiste donc à lutter pour une paix durable en Afrique. Pour ce faire, il est essentiel de commencer par appréhender le système de pensée qui continue à rendre possible la pauvreté et la violence identitaire dans notre continent. En d’autre mots, il faut identifier l’obstacle majeur à l’émergence d’une Afrique libre, démocratique et sans exclusion pour laquelle ont lutté les générations précédentes. Une Afrique où la paix n’est plus un rêve mais une réalité.

De notre point de vue, l’essentiel de la violence politique et économique dont sont victimes les peuples africains aujourd’hui s’enracine dans un système de pensée que nous appelons le Populisme Identitaire Radical (en abréviation le PIR). Quel est donc le visage du PIR et en quoi le concept de Culture de Paix peut-il nous servir d’anti-thèse aux préjugés qui servent d’ossature au PIR ?

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(Cliquez ici pour la version anglaise de cet article.)

Question(s) related to this article:

Where in the world can we find good leadership today?

(. . . suite)

Le populisme identitaire radical

. . . en Afrique, la décolonisation juridique n’a pas été suivie d’une rupture idéologique avec le modèle de gouvernance coloniale chez une partie de l’élite politique. Celle-ci a perpétué, au delà des indépendances, le rapport violent au peuple. Si pour les colons l’ennemi était les indépendantistes, chez l’élite post-coloniale, non libérée mentalement des préjugés coloniaux, le nouvel ennemi est devenu l’autre perçu comme différent. Les discriminations contre le colonisé ont été remplacé par les discriminations contre l’autre ethnie, l’autre religion, les ressortissants de l’autre région, les étrangers… La pratique coloniale de diviser pour mieux régner est jusqu’à aujourd’hui l’arme politique préférée des élites extrémistes. Le phénomène des crimes contre l’humanité tels que le génocide des Tutsi au Rwanda, en 1994, des massacres à caractère ethnique au Burundi, en 1993, la guerre fratricide au Sud Soudan, les crimes de masse orchestrés par l’armée du seigneur, la LRA, en Ouganda et en RDC, la guerre menée par les organisations islamistes radicales d’Al Shabab en Somalie, de Boko haram au Nigeria, Al Qaïda et l’Etat islamiste en Libye, au Maghreb et au Mali s’enracinent dans des système de pensée théorisés qui légitiment la violence extrême. . . C’est contre le PIR que les nouveaux combattants de la liberté doivent se dresser pour que puisse un jour advenir une Afrique en paix avec elle même.

Par populisme, il faut entendre la démagogie politique distillée à travers des discours de haine de l’autre différent. . . . Par identitaire, il faut entendre l’instrumentalisation des différences réelles ou supposées à des fins de prise ou de conservation du pouvoir . . . Par radical, il faut entendre la volonté d’extermination de l’autre différent. . .

Pour une Afrique en paix

La Culture de Paix n’est pas un concept fermé. C’est un concept qui intègre les éléments constitutifs des traditions des peuples qui permettent la résolution pacifique des conflits et la diffusion des valeurs de paix. De ce point de vue, la philosophie d’Ubuntu, la tradition d’Ubushingantahe au Burundi, la justice traditionnelle et participative Agacaca au Rwanda sont autant d’éléments constitutifs de la Culture de Paix. Analysons les clefs constitutives de la Culture de Paix en rapport avec la situation africaine.

1-Le respect de la vie, de la personne humaine et ses droits. . .

2-L’accès des citoyens aux droits économiques et sociaux . . .

3- La résolution pacifique des conflits et la réconciliation . . .

4- L’égalité entre les hommes et les femmes ainsi que l’inclusion des diversités . . .

5- La démocratie et la liberté d’expression . . .

6- Le respect de l’environnement . . .

La Culture de Paix doit être pensée et enseignée comme un idéal qui permet de relier et de renforcer ce qui a été délié. C’est une théorie inclusive et réconciliatrice. Elle est l’anti-thèse du PIR. C’est une théorie qui permet de penser les différences au sein d’une nation comme une précieuse richesse. Elle nous rappel qu’il n’y a pas d’identité nationale hors la diversité tant culturelle qu’humaine de l’ensemble des citoyens. La Culture de Paix plaide pour l’accès de toutes et tous aux droits humains. Car rien n’est nouveau sous le soleil : c’est toujours la pauvreté et l’ignorance qui font le lit à la démagogie identitaire.

Uncategorized

Africa’s Contribution to the Global Movement for a Culture of Peace

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION

An article by David Adams in The Thinker abbreviated and reprinted by permission (full article available by subscription)

At the end of the Cold War, during the 1990’s UNESCO, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, embarked on an ambitious project called “the culture of peace.” It was conceived as a radical change in the very nature of human civilization, as a transition from the culture of war that has characterized most societies for thousands of years, to a new and universal culture free from the scourge of war. . .

Adams
Illustration of article from The Thinker (copyright ZainDee)

Unfortunately, for many years after a change in leadership at UNESCO, there was little support for the culture of peace. In fact, there was opposition. Exceptionally, however, the Africa Department of UNESCO has recently again taken up the challenge. With UNESCO support, Angola hosts an annual conference for the culture of peace, formally endorsed by the African Union, and networks of African women, youth and research institutions for a culture of peace have been established.

[To escape from the culture of war, we need consciousness, methodologies and institutions for a culture of peace.]

Culture of Peace Consciousness

. . . the Culture of Peace News Network (CPNN: www.cpnn-world.org) [tells] what is happening around the world to promote a culture of peace. The more people read and discuss these articles, the more they will see that a culture of peace is not only possible, but the seeds for it are being planted every day and around the world. . .

Africa is the leading continent of the world for peace education and media for peace. Almost every month we have new articles in CPNN about initiatives in this regard. . .

Consciousness is important. In fact, in the long run it is the basis for historical change. However, it is not enough. We need to develop methodologies and institutions that can replace those of the culture of war.

Culture of Peace Methodologies

. . . In this regard, Africa has already shown its leadership in recent years with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa and the Gacaca in Rwanda, enabling Africans to overcome bitter conflicts and enter a path of reconciliation. These processes have been based on the ancient, pre-colonial practices of conflict transformation, often known as the Palabra, the word, as well as the African tradition of Ubuntu, “I am because you are.” . .

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Question(s) related to this article:

Where in the world can we find good leadership today?

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Culture of Peace Institutions

. . . During the transition period in South Africa following Nelson Mandela’s release from prison, as part of the National Peace Accord, a broad set of regional and local peace committees were established that united representatives from political organizations, trade unions, business, churches, police and security forces to resolve disputes at local and regional levels.

The work of the regional and local peace committees was at the heart of the Accord. It directly engaged people in conflict management on a grass roots level throughout the country. At their peak, there were 11 regional committees and over one hundred local peace committees, with an annual budget of almost $12 million which enabled the hiring of full time staff for regional offices.

Unfortunately, the system of regional and local peace committees was not continued on an independent basis once elections took place and a government of national reconciliation was installed. . .

Elsewhere in the world, there have also been attempts to establish regional and local peace committees. . .

Networking

The world has not yet arrived at the point of establishing regional networks of culture of peace institutions in cities, towns and regions. There simply are not yet enough such institutions. But if a culture of peace is to succeed in replacing the culture of war, this next step will be essential.

I hope that as a result of this article, I will make contact with Africans who are developing local peace commissions in Africa, and that Africa can take a leading role with a regional network of such commissions.

Conclusion

We have seen here that Africa has already made major contributions to the key elements of the global movement for a culture of peace that are needed to make the transition from the culture of war. Africa is the leading continent of the world for peace education and media for peace, contributing to the consciousness that a culture of peace is possible. African methodologies for conflict resolution are exemplary. And, although they were not continued, the regional and local peace committees of the National Peace Accord in South Africa provided a model for the institutionalization of culture of peace that we need in the future.

Historically, Africa may be in a good position to take a leadership role in the global movement, because in the course of history, with the exception of the ancient empires of Egypt, Africans did not develop culture of war empires and states to the same extent that they were developed in other continents. And the rich tradition of Pan-Africanism provides an alternative model to that of empires and states. A Pan-African union could be based on a culture of peace rather than culture of war. It would be within the tradition of peace-building by Nelson Mandela. And it would fulfill the dream of that great African-American, W.E.B. Dubois, which he shared at the end of his life with Kwame Nkrumah and the people of Ghana, an Africa at peace with itself and the world.

Africa, FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION

Africa: How to Achieve the Freedom Promised

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION

An article by Nestor Bidadanure in The Thinker abbreviated and reprinted by permission (full article available by subscription)

What is the main ideological factor that has led to so much violence around the question of identity in post-colonial Africa? Can the concept of culture of peace contribute to the establishment of lasting peace in Africa? And, if so, how?

Nestor
Illustration of article from The Thinker (copyright shutterstock)

The legacy of freedom

“Each generation must, with little help from the past, discover its mission, fulfill or betray it” said Frantz Fanon in his book “Wretched of the Earth,” which was written in 1961 and which had a strong influence on the political consciousness of anti-colonial and Third World activists in his time. If we compare ourselves to the generations that have lived through slavery, colonization and apartheid, we can say with some caution, that the political reality of the African continent has generally improved today. The laws that legitimized the inequality and justified the occupation of territories of peoples of different cultures have been abolished. African leaders who are progressive have overcome the identity manipulations imposed by colonialism; they have unified the freedom fighters of their own country, organized pan- African solidarity, and promoted international solidarity with other peoples struggling for freedom. Despite the political and economic violence that many African peoples still experience, we should not forget the victories over oppression. Thanks to the peoples’ struggles, significant economic and social rights have been achieved in much of the continent. Human rights and gender equality have emerged to a certain extent from the ruins of discriminatory laws. We must remember that no right is natural: each area of freedom we enjoy today is the result of the epic battles in the past by peoples for justice and human dignity. The promise of freedom is the fruit of resistance.

In addition to the culture of resistance, we are also heirs to values and techniques of peaceful conflict resolution. In the face of tragedies such as apartheid, the genocide in Rwanda and the war in Mozambique, the African people have tapped into their ancient culture to break the impasse and reconcile those who have been bitter enemies.

Thanks to the legacy of the freedom fighters of yesterday, we can look ahead today with optimism and say with certainty that a better Africa is possible. In fact the major challenge of our generation is not to begin the story, but to keep it going, not allowing it to be stopped at midpoint of the long road traveled by the generations who preceded us in the struggle for freedom. For as long as war and poverty continue in even the smallest part of the African continent, the freedom promised by the fathers of Pan-Africanism will require other heroes to ensure its fulfillment. As long as people lack freedom somewhere in the world, no one of us can feel completely free.

Therefore, the mission of our generation, post-colonial and post-apartheid is the struggle for a lasting peace in Africa. To do this, it is essential to first understand the belief system that continues to enable the poverty and violence linked to identity in our continent. In other words, we must identify the major obstacle to the emergence of an Africa that is free, democratic and inclusive for which previous generations have struggled. An Africa where peace is no longer a dream but a reality.

It is our point of view that most of the political and economic violence suffered by the African peoples today is rooted in a system of thought we call the Radical Identity Populism (abbreviated PIR). So what is PIR and how can the concept of culture of peace serve as an antithesis to the prejudices that serve as its backbone?

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(Click here for a French version of this article.)

Question(s) related to this article:

Where in the world can we find good leadership today?

(Article continued from the column on the left)

Radical Identity Populism

. . . In Africa, the decolonization in the legal sense has not been followed by an ideological break with the colonial model of governance by some of the political elite. Violence against the people has been perpetuated beyond independence. While the enemy for the colonialists was those who sought independence, now for the post-colonial elite who have not been mentally liberated from colonial prejudices, the new enemy has become the “other” who is perceived to be different. Discrimination against the colonized peoples has been replaced by discrimination against other ethnic groups, against other religions, against people from other regions, against foreigners … The colonial practice of divide and rule is continued today as the favorite political weapon of extremist elites. The phenomenon of crimes against humanity such as genocide of Tutsis in Rwanda in 1994, the ethnic massacres in Burundi in 1993, the fratricidal war in Southern Sudan, the mass crimes orchestrated by the army of the lord, the LRA in Uganda and the DRC, the war waged by the radical Islamist organizations al-Shabab in Somalia, Boko Haram in Nigeria, Al Qaeda and the Islamist state in Libya, North Africa and Mali are all rooted in theorized system of thought that legitimize extreme violence. . . It is against this phenomenon of Radical Identity Populism that the new generation of freedom fighters must struggle if someday Africa is to live in peace with herself.

By populism, we mean the political demagoguery expressed through the discourse of hate against others who are different. . . By identity, we mean the manipulation of real or perceived differences for the purpose of gaining or maintaining power. . . By radical, we mean the will to exterminate the other who is different. . .

Towards an Africa in peace

The Culture of Peace is not a closed concept. It is a concept that is integrated with the elements of the peoples’ traditions for the peaceful resolution of conflicts and the diffusion of he values of peace. From this point of view, the philosophy of Ubuntu, the tradition of the Ubushingantahe in Burundi, the traditional and participatory justice of the Agacaca in Rwanda are all components of the Culture of Peace. Let us now consider the key constituents of the Culture of Peace in relation to the African situation.

1- Respect for life, for the human person and for his rights. . .

2-Access of all citizens to economic and social rights . . .

3- Peaceful conflict resolution and reconciliation . . .

4. Equality between men and women and the inclusion of diversity . . .

5- Democracy and freedom of expression . . .

6. Respect for the environment . . .

Conclusion

The Culture of Peace should be considered and taught as an ideal that ties together and strengthens that which has been torn apart. It is the antithesis of Radical Identity Populism, a theory of inclusion and reconciliation with which we can achieve the freedom promised, an Africa at peace with herself and with the world. It considers the differences within a nation to be a precious resource. It reminds us that there is no national identity except the diversity, both cultural and human, of all its citizens. The Culture of Peace demands all the human rights for all the people, because, as always, it is poverty and ignorance that continue to provide the fertile soil for the growth of identity demagogy.

Africa, FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION

Asia and the Middle East lead rise in arms imports; the United States and Russia remain largest arms exporters, says SIPRI

DISARMAMENT & SECURITY .

A press release by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI)

The volume of international transfers of major weapons has grown continuously since 2004 and rose by 14 per cent between 2006–10 and 2011–15, according to new data on international arms transfers published today (22 February 2016) by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI).

SIPRI

Six of the top 10 largest arms importers in the 5-year period 2011–15 are in Asia and Oceania: India (14 per cent of global arms imports), China (4.7 per cent), Australia (3.6 per cent), Pakistan (3.3 per cent), Viet Nam (2.9 per cent) and South Korea (2.6 per cent). Viet Nam’s arms imports rose by 699 per cent. Arms imports by states in Asia and Oceania increased by 26 per cent between 2006–10 and 2011–15, with states in the region receiving 46 per cent of global imports in 2011–15.

‘China continues to expand its military capabilities with imported and domestically produced weapons,’ said Siemon Wezeman, Senior Researcher with the SIPRI Arms and Military Expenditure Programme. ‘Neighbouring states such as India, Viet Nam and Japan are also significantly strengthening their military forces.’

Imports by Middle Eastern states on the increase

Arms imports by states in the Middle East rose by 61 per cent between 2006–10 and 
2011–15. In 2011–15 Saudi Arabia was the world’s second largest arms importer, with an increase of 275 per cent compared to 2006–10. In the same period, arms imports by the United Arab Emirates rose by 35 per cent and those by Qatar went up by 279 per cent. Egypt’s arms imports increased by 37 per cent between 2006–10 and 2011–15, primarily due to a steep rise in 2015.

‘A coalition of Arab states is putting mainly US- and European-sourced advanced arms into use in Yemen,’ said Pieter Wezeman, Senior Researcher with the SIPRI Arms and Military Expenditure Programme. ‘Despite low oil prices, large deliveries of arms to the Middle East are scheduled to continue as part of contracts signed in the past five years.’

Arms exporters: the USA remains well ahead

With a 33 per cent share of total arms exports, the USA was the top arms exporter in 
2011–15. Its exports of major weapons increased by 27 per cent compared to 2006–10.

(Article continued on the right column)

(Click here for a version of this article in French or here for a version in Spanish.)

Question for this article:

Does military spending lead to economic decline and collapse?

(Article continued from the left column)

Russian exports of major weapons increased by 28 per cent between 2006–10 and 2011–15, and Russia accounted for 25 per cent of global exports in the recent 5-year period. However, in 2014 and 2015 Russian exports returned to the lower annual levels observed in 2006–10.

Chinese exports of major arms were just above those of France in 2011–15, growing by 
88 per cent compared to 2006–10. French exports decreased by 9.8 per cent and German exports halved over the same period.

‘As regional conflicts and tensions continue to mount, the USA remains the leading global arms supplier by a significant margin,’ said Dr Aude Fleurant, Director of the SIPRI Arms and Military Expenditure Programme. ‘The USA has sold or donated major arms to at least 96 states in the past five years, and the US arms industry has large outstanding export orders, including for a total of 611 F-35 combat aircraft to 9 states.’

Other notable developments

Between 2006–10 and 2011–15 imports by states in Africa increased by 19 per cent. Algeria and Morocco remained the two largest arms importers in the region with a combined total of 56 per cent of African imports.

Due to economic constraints most sub-Saharan African states imported only small volumes of arms in 2011–15, despite many being involved in armed conflicts during that period.

Mexico’s arms imports grew by 331 per cent in 2011–15 compared with 2006–10.

Azerbaijan increased its arms imports by 217 per cent between 2006–10 and 
2011–15.

Arms imports by Iraq rose by 83 per cent between 2006–10 and 2011–15.

France concluded several major arms export contracts in 2015, including the first two firm contracts for its Rafale combat aircraft.

Imports by states in Europe decreased by 41 per cent between 2006–10 and 
2011–15.

DISARMAMENT & SECURITY, global

L’Asie et le moyen-orient menent la hausse des importations d’armement ; les Etats-Unis et la Russie demeurent les plus grands exportateurs d’armement, selon le SIPRI

.DESARMAMENT & SECURITE.

Un communiqué de presse du Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI)

Le volume des transferts internationaux d’armes majeures n’a cessé de croître depuis 2004 et a augmenté de 14 % entre 2006-10 et 2011-15, selon les nouvelles données sur les transferts internationaux d’armements publiées aujourd’hui (22 février 2016) par le Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI).

SIPRI

Six des 10 plus grands importateurs d’armes, sur la période de cinq ans, 2011-15, sont en Asie et en Océanie : l’Inde (14 % des importations mondiales d’armement), la Chine (4,7 %), l’Australie (3,6 %), le Pakistan (3,3 %), le Vietnam (2,9 %) et la Corée du Sud (2,6 %). Les importations d’armement du Vietnam ont augmenté de 699 %. Les importations d’armement par les États d’Asie et d’Océanie ont augmenté de 26 % entre 2006-10 et 2011-15, avec des États de la région recevant 46 % des importations mondiales d’armement sur la période 2011-15.

« La Chine continue d’étendre ses capacités militaires avec des armes importées et produites
dans le pays », déclare Siemon Wezeman, chercheur principal du programme Armes et
dépenses militaires du SIPRI. « Les États voisins tels que l’Inde, le Vietnam et le Japon
renforcent aussi significativement leurs forces militaires. »

Hausse des importations par les États du Moyen-Orient

Les importations d’armement par les États du Moyen-Orient ont augmenté de 61 % entre 2006-10 et 2011-15. En 2011-15, l’Arabie saoudite était le deuxième plus grand importateur d’armement au monde, avec une hausse de 275 % par rapport à 2006-10. Dans la même période, les importations d’armement par les Émirats arabes unis ont augmenté de 35 % et ceux du Qatar de 279 %. Les importations d’armes de l’Égypte ont augmenté de 37 % entre 2006-10 et 2011-15, principalement en raison d’une forte hausse en 2015.

« Une coalition d’États arabes met en service une grande partie des armes avancées provenant d’Europe et des États-Unis au Yémen », affirme Pieter Wezeman, chercheur principal au programme Armes et dépenses militaires du SIPRI. « En dépit des prix bas du pétrole, d’importantes livraisons d’armes au Moyen-Orient devraient se poursuivre dans le cadre de contrats signés au cours de ces cinq dernières années ».

Exportateurs d’armement : les États-Unis demeurent largement en tête

Avec une part de 33 % du total des exportations d’armement, les États-Unis sont le premier exportateur d’armement durant la période 2011-15. Ses exportations d’armes majeures ont augmenté de 27 % par rapport à 2006-10.

(Voir suite sur colonne de droite. . . )

(Cliquez ici pour la version anglaise de cet article ou ici pour la version espagnole.)

Question for this article:

Does military spending lead to economic decline and collapse?

(. . . suite)

Les exportations russes d’armes majeures ont augmenté de 28 % entre 2006-10 et 2011-15, et la Russie représente 25 % des exportations mondiales de ces 5 dernières années. Cependant, en 2014 et 2015, les exportations russes sont revenues aux niveaux annuels plus bas observés en 2006-10.

Les exportations chinoises d’armes majeures se situent juste au-dessus de celles de la France en 2011-15, avec une hausse de 88 % par rapport à 2006-10. Les exportations françaises ont diminué de 9,8 % et celles de l’Allemagne ont diminué de moitié durant la même période.

« Étant donné l’accroissement des tensions et des conflits régionaux, les États-Unis restent de loin le principal fournisseur d’armes au monde », souligne Dr Aude Fleurant, directrice du programme Armes et dépenses militaires du SIPRI. « Les États-Unis ont vendu ou donné des armes majeures à au moins 96 États au cours de ces cinq dernières années, et l’industrie d’armement américaine a d’importantes commandes en cours d’exportation, dont un total de
611 avions de combat F-35 à 9 États. »

Autres évolutions notables

* Entre 2006-10 et 2011-15, les importations par les États africains ont augmenté de 19 %. L’Algérie et le Maroc demeurent les deux plus grands importateurs d’armes dans la région avec un total combiné de 56 % des importations africaines.

* En raison de contraintes économiques, la plupart des États d’Afrique sub-saharienne n’ont importé que de faibles volumes d’armes en 2011-15, et ce en dépit du fait que plusieurs d’entre eux étaient impliqués dans des conflits armés au cours de cette
période.

* Les importations d’armes du Mexique ont augmenté de 331 % en 2011-15 par rapport à 2006-10.

* L’Azerbaïdjan a augmenté ses importations d’armes de 217 % entre 2006-10 et 2011-15.

* Les importations d’armes de l’Irak ont augmenté de 83 % entre 2006-10 et 2011-15.

* La France a conclu plusieurs contrats d’exportation d’armes majeures en 2015, dont deux premiers contrats fermes pour ses avions de combat Rafale.

* Les importations par les États européens ont diminué de 41 % entre 2006-10 et 2011-15.

* Les sous-marins constituent un élément important des forces maritimes pour un nombre croissant d’États. En 2011-15, un total de 16 sous-marins ont été exportés vers 8 États.

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Asia y Oriente Medio lideran el crecimiento de las importaciones de armas; Estados Unidos y Rusia se mantienen como mayores exportadores, afirma el SIPRI

. . DESARME Y SEGURIDAD . .

Un comunicado de prensa de Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI)

El volumen internacional de transferencias de grandes armas ha crecido de forma continuada desde 2004 y se incrementó un 14% entre 2006—10 y 2011—15, según los nuevos datos sobre transferencias internacionales de armas publicadas hoy (22 de febrero) por el Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI).

SIPRI

El volumen internacional de transferencias de grandes armas ha crecido de forma continuada desde 2004 y se incrementó un 14% entre 2006—10 y 2011—15, según los nuevos datos sobre transferencias internacionales de armas publicadas hoy (22 de febrero) por el Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI).

Seis de los 10 principales importadores de armas en el periodo de cinco años 2011—15 son de Asia y Oceanía: India (14% de las importaciones globales de armas), China (4,7%), Australia (3,6%), Pakistán (3,3%), Vietnam (2,9%) y Corea del Sur (2,6%). Las importaciones de Vietnam crecieron un 699%. Las importaciones por parte de países de Asia y Oceanía crecieron un 26% entre 2006–10 y 2011–15 y algunos Estados de la región recibieron un 46% de las importaciones globales del periodo 2011–15.

‘China continúa ampliando sus capacidades militares con armas importadas y producidas en el propio país,’ afirma Siemon Wezeman, investigador senior del Programa de Armas y Gasto Militar de SIPRI. ‘Los países vecinos como India, Vietnam y Japón, también están reforzando significativamente sus fuerzas militares.’

Crecen las importaciones de los países de Oriente Medio

Las importaciones de armas por parte de Estados de Oriente Medio crecieron un 61% entre 2006–10 y 2011–15. Durante el periodo 2011–15, Arabia Saudí fue el segundo mayor importador mundial de armas, con un incremento del 275% comparado con la etapa 2006–10. En el mismo período, las importaciones de armas por parte de los Emiratos Árabes Unidos creció un 35% y las de Qatar subieron un 279%. Las importaciones de Egipto aumentaron un 37% entre 2006—10 y 2011—15, debido principalmente al pujante crecimiento de 2015.

‘Una coalición de Estados árabes está usando armas avanzadas, principalmente provenientes de Estados Unidos y de Europa, en Yemen’, asegura Pieter Wezeman, investigador senior del Programa de Armas y Gasto Militar de SIPRI. ‘A pesar de los bajos precios del petróleo, hay programadas grandes entregas de armas en Oriente Medio para dar continuidad a los contratos firmados en los últimos cinco años.’

Exportadores de armas: Estados Unidos se mantiene al frente

Con el 33% del total de las exportaciones de armas, Estados Unidos fue el mayor exportador de armas en el periodo 2011–15. Sus exportaciones de grandes armas crecieron un 27% en comparación con el periodo 2006–10.

(El artículo continúa en el lado derecho de la página)

( Clickear aquí para la version inglês o aquí para la version francês)

Question for this article:

Does military spending lead to economic decline and collapse?

(Artículo continúa desde la parte izquierda de la página)

Las exportaciones de grandes armas de Rusia crecieron un 28% entre 2006–10 y 2011–15, y el país contabilizó el 25% del total de exportaciones en el último periodo de cinco años. Sin embargo, en 2014 y en 2015, las exportaciones rusas volvieron a los niveles anuales más bajos observados en el periodo 2006–10.

Las exportaciones de grandes armas por parte de China se situaron justo por encima de las de Francia en el periodo 2011–15, con un crecimiento del 88% en comparación con la etapa 2006—10. Las exportaciones francesas decayeron un 9,8% y las alemanas se redujeron a la mitad en el mismo periodo.

‘Mientras los conflictos y las tensiones regionales continúan creciendo, Estados Unidos se mantiene como el principal proveedor global de armas con un margen significativo’, afirma la Dra. Aude Fleurant, directora del Programa de Armas y Gasto Militar de SIPRI. ‘Estados Unidos ha vendido o dado grandes armas al menos a 96 Estados en los últimos cinco años, y la industria militar norteamericana tiene pedidos de grandes exportaciones pendientes, incluidos un total de 611 aviones de combate F-35 para 9 estados.’

Otros datos destacables

• Entre 2006–10 y 2011–15 las importaciones por parte de Estados africanos aumentaron un 19%. Argelia y Marruecos se mantuvieron como los dos mayores importadores de armas de la región con un total conjunto del 56% de las importaciones africanas.

• Debido a las restricciones económicas, la mayoría de Estados del África Subsahariana importaron sólo volúmenes pequeño de armas durante 2011–15, a pesar de que muchos estuvieron implicados en conflictos armados durante este periodo.

• Las importaciones de armas en México crecieron un 331% en el período 2011-15 comparado con el de 2006-10.

• Azerbaiyán incrementó sus importaciones de armas un 217% entre 2006-10 y 2011-15.

• Las importaciones en Irak aumentaron un 83% entre 2006-10 y 2011-15.

• Francia cerró varios contratos de exportaciones de grandes armas en 2015, incluidos los dos primeros contratos en firme por su aeronave de combate Rafale.

• Las importaciones de los países europeos descendieron un 41% entre 2006-10 y 2011-15

• Los submarinos son un elemento importante de las fuerzas marítimas para un número creciente de Estados. En 2011-15 se exportaron un total de 16 submarinos a 8 Estados.

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