Tag Archives: Europe

UN Women : Five young women on the forefront of climate action across Europe and Central Asia


An article from UN Women

Women and girls are powerful leaders and change-makers for climate adaptation and mitigation and must be included in the design and implementation of climate action. Without their leadership, knowledge and participation in climate responses today, it is unlikely that solutions for a sustainable planet and gender-equal world tomorrow will be realized.

Across the Europe and Central Asia, women and girls are advancing feminist climate justice and leading the charge on climate change adaptation, mitigation and response. They are mobilizing local, national, regional and global climate movements and harnessing the transformative power of feminist leadership to face the unprecedented challenges of our times.

Ainura Sagyn, 33, is an ecofeminist, computer software engineer, and CEO of Tazar  [Become Greener], a startup mobile application that connects waste producers with recyclers and educates consumers about waste management in Kyrgyzstan. She actively promotes women’s rights, gender equality and environmental issues through her technological activism.

Some 65 per cent of Tazar app users are unemployed women with children who sell sorted recycled waste to earn points they can exchange for prizes such as deposit money from a bank or cosmetics, all from partners who are mostly women entrepreneurs. They have collected more than 10 tonnes of waste since the end of 2020. Sagyn and her partner Aimeerim Tursalieva also launched a Tazar Bazaar platform that sells eco-friendly products made by women entrepreneurs, which helps support local businesses, women entrepreneurs and promotes eco-consumption.

“Women, in particular, are disproportionately affected by climate change due to their lack of access to natural resources management, limited mobility in rural areas and by being excluded from decision-making processes,” says Sagyn, who aspires to extend her startup to promote environmentalism in other Central Asian countries.

Gabriela Isac, 29, is an environmental activist, co-founder of the Seed It Forward  volunteer agroforestry initiative and a project coordinator at the EcoVisio  grass-roots ecological non-profit in Moldova.

With the Seed It Forward team, she organizes tree-planting events, consults civil society organizations, local public authorities, schools and the general public on environmental issues, and educates them through informational materials on trees, composting and permaculture. They have planted over 50,000 trees and bushes, while their recent environmental campaign reached more than 1.5 million people online.

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Question related to this article:
What is the relation between the environment and peace

Do women have a special role to play in the peace movement?

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“Moldova is quite vulnerable to climate change. Though the effects are not as disastrous yet as in other parts of the world, climate change increases an already existing burden on women. Women often work in rural areas and take the least-paid day jobs in agriculture. Women’s welfare is directly affected by the harvest, which in the low-tech agricultural system of Moldova highly depends on climate,” says Isac.

Ania Sauku, 19, is an active voice for gender equality, climate action and youth empowerment in Albania. She is one of the incumbent Albanian Youth Delegates to the United Nations, where she advocates for climate issues and sustainable development and shares the perspective of youth in her country.
She raises awareness on climate change and feminism and how they are inextricable from one another. Sauku believes that for many people in Albania, climate change is still not an issue, and that gender equality and climate are not related. Together with her team, she organizes movie nights on environment, protests and marches for climate justice, and other educational initiatives to raise awareness about climate change and intersectional feminism.
“Climate crisis does not affect us all in the same way and often women are the most vulnerable to this crisis, especially women from marginalized communities such as women of ethnic minorities, women of colour, women with disabilities, queer women, women living in poverty, and other women and girls at the intersection of multiple systems of oppression,” says Sauku.

Pakizat Sailaubekova, 29, is an environmentalist, project manager at Greenup.kz public fund and a co-founder of the Recycle BIRGE  [Recycle Together] ecological movement in Kazakhstan. She won the “>Tereshkevich Youth Environmental Award  for her eco-activism and a 3.2.1. Start!  eco-project grant.

She organizes public and corporate clean ups, climate-related events, conducts eco-consulting and gives various educational lectures on household waste and living an eco-friendly life. Together with colleagues, Sailaubekova has organized 43 clean ups with the participation of over 1,700 people. They have also collected and transferred more than 4,000 kg of recyclable materials for processing and implemented 14 large-scale environmental projects.

“The role of women in preserving nature is enormous,” she says, adding that 95 per cent of the eco-volunteers and the participants in their environmental campaigns are women and girls. “Women are at the forefront of solving many environmental problems, each at their own level. Our organization is also founded solely by women.”

Sanne Van de Voort, 27, is Advocacy Officer for Women Engage for a Common Future  (an international ecofeminist network), and an NGO representative on the Dutch Delegation to this year’s Commission on the Status of Women (CSW).

She believes that feminist climate justice recognizes the intersectionality of climate and environmental issues and how each individual is affected differently by climate change and can lend their unique experiences to finding solutions. As an Advocacy Officer, she works to ensure that Dutch and international decisions taken on climate and environmental issues reflect the needs, perspectives and solutions of women and feminists across the world, especially from the Global South. In her new role as a Dutch NGO representative to CSW, she contributes to preparations and priority-setting in the Dutch Government’s CSW delegation alongside other Dutch civil society organizations.

“We need changes that start putting people and planet over profit,” says Van de Voort. “A system that puts equality, sustainability and justice at the centre, instead of the exploitation of natural resources at the expense of biodiversity and a healthy environment.”

Ukraine: UNESCO statement following the adoption of the UN General Assembly resolution


A press release March 3 from UNESCO

Following the adoption by the United Nations General Assembly of the Resolution on Aggression against Ukraine, and in light of the devastating escalation of violence, UNESCO is deeply concerned by developments in Ukraine and is working to assess damage across its spheres of competence (notably education, culture, heritage and information) and to implement emergency support actions.

The UNGA Resolution reaffirms the paramount importance of the UN Charter and commitment to the sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders, and it demands “that the Russian Federation immediately cease its use of force against Ukraine.”

The Director-General, Audrey Azoulay, fully concurs with the opening remarks made by the Secretary-General at the Special Session of the General Assembly, during which he said that “this escalating violence — which is resulting in civilian deaths, including children – is totally unacceptable.”

In addition, she calls for the “protection of Ukrainian cultural heritage, which bears witness to the country’s rich history, and includes its seven World Heritage sites – notably located in Lviv and Kyiv; the cities of Odessa and Kharkiv, members of the UNESCO Creative Cities Network; its national archives, some of which feature in the UNESCO Memory of the World Register; and its sites commemorating the tragedy of the Holocaust.”

Consistent with its mandate, UNESCO demands the immediate cessation of attacks on civilian facilities, such as schools, universities, memorial sites, cultural and communication infrastructures, and deplores civilian casualties, including students, teachers, artists, scientists and journalists. These include women and children, girls especially, disproportionately impacted by the conflict and displacement. 

In the field of education, Resolution 2601 adopted in 2021 by the UN Security Council states that UN Member States are to “prevent attacks and threats of attacks against schools and ensure the protection of schools and civilians connected with schools, including children and teachers during armed conflict as well as in post-conflict phases”. The General Assembly Resolution of 2 March expresses grave concern at reports of attacks on civilian facilities including schools. In this regard, UNESCO strongly condemns attacks against education facilities, with the damaging of at least seven institutions in the past week, including the attack on 2 March on Karazin Kharkiv National University.

The nationwide closure of schools and education facilities has affected the entire school-aged population — 6 million students between 3 and 17 years old, and more than 1.5 million enrolled in higher education institutions. The escalation of violence hampers the protective role of education, and the impact may be far-reaching including in neighbouring countries.

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(Click here for a French version of this article.)

Questions related to this article:
Can the peace movement help stop the war in the Ukraine?

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In the field of culture, UNESCO underlines the obligations of international humanitarian law, notably the 1954 Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict and its two (1954 and 1999) Protocols, to refrain from inflicting damage to cultural property, and condemns all attacks and damage to cultural heritage in all its forms in Ukraine. UNESCO calls also for the full implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 2347.

In this respect, UNESCO is gravely concerned with the damages incurred by the city of Kharkiv, UNESCO Creative City for Music, and the historic centre of Chernihiv, on Ukraine’s World Heritage Tentative List. UNESCO deeply regrets reports of damage to the works of the celebrated Ukrainian artist, Maria Primachenko, with whose anniversary UNESCO was associated in 2009.

UNESCO condemns also the attack that affected the Babyn Yar Holocaust memorial, the site of one of the largest mass shootings of Jews during World War II, and calls for the respect of historic sites, whose value for education and remembrance is irreplaceable.

In order to prevent attacks, UNESCO, in close coordination with the Ukrainian authorities, is working to mark as quickly as possible key historic monuments and sites across Ukraine with the distinctive emblem of the 1954 Hague Convention, an internationally recognised signal for the protection of cultural heritage in the event of armed conflict.  In addition, UNESCO has approached the Ukrainian authorities with a view to organising a meeting with museum directors across the country to help them respond to urgent needs for safeguarding museum collections and cultural property. In cooperation with UNITAR/UNOSAT, UNESCO will be monitoring the damages incurred by cultural sites through satellite imagery analysis.

In the field of access to information and freedom of expression, UNESCO recalls its previous statement  underlining obligations under UN Security Council Resolution 2222 to protect media professionals and associated personnel. It further notes, as in the same resolution, “media equipment and installations constitute civilian objects, and in this respect shall not be the object of attack or of reprisals, unless they are military objectives”.

In this respect, UNESCO is deeply concerned about reports of the targeting of media infrastructure, including the shelling of Kyiv’s main television tower on 1 March 2022, with multiple reported fatalities, including at least one media worker, as well as cases of violence against journalists and attempts to restrict access to the Internet.

In a conflict situation, free and independent media are critical for ensuring civilians have access to potentially life-saving information and debunking disinformation and rumours.

At the request of a group of Member States, the UNESCO Executive Board will hold a Special Session on 15 March “to examine the impact and consequences of the current situation in Ukraine in all aspects of UNESCO’s mandate”.

UNESCO designations and sites in Ukraine

UNESCO World Heritage Sites
Elements on UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage Lists
UNESCO Biosphere Reserves
10 UNESCO University Chairs
78 UNESCO Associated Schools
UNESCO Creative Cities
UNESCO Learning Cities
UNESCO Category 2 Institute
Inscriptions on the UNESCO Memory of the World Register

Media contact :

Lucia Iglesias Kuntz,+33 1 45 68 17 02, l.iglesias@unesco.org
Thomas Mallard, + 33 1 45 68 22 93, t.mallard@unesco.org

Germany: Bodensee Peace Region: No rearmament! Practice nonviolence


A blog by Joseph Mougel published by Mediapart

The association “Bodensee Peace Region” which unites people from the countries bordering Lake Constance: Germany, Switzerland and Austria and which demands the reconversion of industries working in the armament of 3 countries has published a text on March 2 opposing the decision of the Bundestag of February 27 to rearm Germany and proposing non-violent methods of action.

The Bodensee Peace Region association protests against the new rearmament of NATO and the Bundeswehr.

Militarist reflexes instead of reflection: rearmament is not the solution but on the contrary the cause of new wars

Frantic applause for rearmament in the Bundestag on February 27: shame on Germany.

Strict diplomacy and methods of civil resistance are more likely to succeed than armed resistance.

Lindau / Überlingen February 28. The Bodensee Peace Region Association strongly condemns the injuries done to the people and territorial integrity of Ukraine by the armed groups of the Russian Federation. However for Frieder Fahrbach, representative of the association: “It is not the deliveries of arms to Ukraine that can end the war. They create the danger of an extension and prolongation of the war and can ignite a lasting civil war in Ukraine. With each delivery of arms the danger of an atomic war in Europe grows.” Rearmament and a purely military security logic on both sides, the Russian Federation and NATO, are the root causes of the war in Ukraine.

Non-violent methods are more likely to succeed than armed resistance

Who wants peace must prepare peace is one of the basic phrases of the association “Peace Region Bodensee”. Even during a military invasion, methods of nonviolent resistance[1] not only produce fewer casualties but are also significantly more successful than those of armed resistance[2].

Rearmament reinforces global warming

The recently published new edition of the report of the 6th session of the IPCC World Climate Council[3] finds that the dangers have increased more than ever. At the end of the decade, the window for action to avert climate catastrophe will be definitively closed. The growing support of the majority of parties in the Bundestag on February 27 for a drastic increase in the arms budget is, in this context, irresponsible because the military is one of the main causes of the production of greenhouse gases, the consumption of resources and the disturbance of nature. Rearmament is incompatible with efforts to contain climate change.

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Questions related to this article:
Can the peace movement help stop the war in the Ukraine?

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The Bodensee Peace Region demands an immediate revision of the debates in the Bundestag, a moratorium on Ukraine’s NATO membership and a common security policy in the European house.

The association “Bodensee Peace Region” calls on all parties to the conflict to immediately return to the negotiating table and there also to take into consideration the security needs of the Russian Federation. It calls for a moratorium on the admission to NATO of new countries from Eastern Europe. Facing the US government, only a European peace policy including Russia can restore and keep peace in Europe.

For more information, see :



Press contact: Friedensregion Bodensee e.V., Frieder Fachbach, Lindau/Überlingen, 0178 – 168 96 26

The Bodensee Peace Region works for a culture of peace, a sustainable lifestyle, global justice and for a political concept geared towards security and disarmament. Through actions, demonstrations, actions and trainings, our goal is thinking based on a logic of peace in the sense of the concept: “Think differently about security”. The 17 Sustainable Development Goals of the United Nations are the foundation of our association.

We provide skills for non-violent conflict transformation in all areas. For this we show the links between capitalist economic growth, the destruction of nature, the climatic catastrophe, rearmament and war. We are working on alternatives for an economy of the future and a good life for all. Through this, we carry a commitment to a major transformation (economic, ecological/social and a security policy) and encourage civic and political engagement.

The circle of silence for peace, climate protection and justice is held every Friday from 5 p.m. to 5.30 p.m. in front of the old town hall in Lindau under the theme “War in Ukraine”.

Stop the war – no new weapons

Instead of that : Engage in a peace process for a “Common Home Europe”

For peace it must never be too late

[1] See for example Theodor Ebert (1981). Social resistance – Waldkirsch – Publishing company “Waldkircher Verlagsgesellschaft

[2] Chenoweth, Erica, Maria J. (2011) Why civil resistance works. The strategic logic of nonviolent conflict. new York

[3] IPCC in French

(Click here for a French version of this article.)

How the U.S. Started a Cold War with Russia and Left Ukraine to Fight It


An article by Medea Benjamin and Nicolas J. S. Davies in the TRANSCEND Media Service

28 Feb 2022 – The defenders of Ukraine are bravely resisting Russian aggression, shaming the rest of the world and the UN Security Council for its failure to protect them. It is an encouraging sign that the Russians and Ukrainians are holding talks in Belarus that may lead to a ceasefire. All efforts must be made to bring an end to this war before the Russian war machine kills thousands more of Ukraine’s defenders and civilians, and forces hundreds of thousands more to flee.

Photo credit: CODEPINK

But there is a more insidious reality at work beneath the surface of this classic morality play, and that is the role of the United States and NATO in setting the stage for this crisis.

President Biden has called the Russian invasion “unprovoked,” but that is far from the truth. In the four days leading up to the invasion, ceasefire monitors from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) documented a dangerous increase in ceasefire violations in Eastern Ukraine, with 5,667 violations and 4,093 explosions.

Most were inside the de facto borders of the Donetsk (DPR) and Luhansk (LPR) People’s Republics, consistent with incoming shell-fire by Ukraine government forces. With nearly 700 OSCE ceasefire monitors on the ground, it is not credible that these were all “false flag” incidents staged by separatist forces, as U.S. and British officials claimed.

Whether the shell-fire was just another escalation in the long-running civil war or the opening salvos of a new government offensive, it was certainly a provocation. But the Russian invasion has far exceeded any proportionate action to defend the DPR and LPR from those attacks, making it disproportionate and illegal.

In the larger context though, Ukraine has become an unwitting victim and proxy in the resurgent U.S. Cold War against Russia and China, in which the United States has surrounded both countries with military forces and offensive weapons, withdrawn from a whole series of arms control treaties, and refused to negotiate resolutions to rational security concerns raised by Russia.

In December 2021, after a summit between Presidents Biden and Putin, Russia submitted a draft proposal for a new mutual security treaty between Russia and NATO, with 9 articles to be negotiated. They represented a reasonable basis for a serious exchange. The most pertinent to the crisis in Ukraine was simply to agree that NATO would not accept Ukraine as a new member, which is not on the table in the foreseeable future in any case. But the Biden administration brushed off Russia’s entire proposal as a nonstarter, not even a basis for negotiations.

So why was negotiating a mutual security treaty so unacceptable that Biden was ready to risk thousands of Ukrainian lives, although not a single American life, rather than attempt to find common ground? What does that say about the relative value that Biden and his colleagues place on American versus Ukrainian lives? And what is this strange position that the United States occupies in today’s world that permits an American president to risk so many Ukrainian lives without asking Americans to share their pain and sacrifice?

The breakdown in U.S. relations with Russia and the failure of Biden’s inflexible brinkmanship precipitated this war, and yet Biden’s policy “externalizes” all the pain and suffering so that Americans can, as another wartime president once said, “go about their business” and keep shopping. America’s European allies, who must now house hundreds of thousands of refugees and face spiraling energy prices, should be wary of falling in line behind this kind of “leadership” before they, too, end up on the front line.

At the end of the Cold War, the Warsaw Pact, NATO’s Eastern European counterpart, was dissolved, and NATO should have been as well, since it had achieved the purpose it was built to serve. Instead, NATO has lived on as a dangerous, out-of-control military alliance dedicated mainly to expanding its sphere of operations and justifying its own existence. It has expanded from 16 countries in 1991 to a total of 30 countries today, incorporating most of Eastern Europe, at the same time as it has committed aggression, bombings of civilians and other war crimes.

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Questions related to this article:
Can the peace movement help stop the war in the Ukraine?

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In 1999, NATO launched an illegal war to militarily carve out an independent Kosovo from the remnants of Yugoslavia. NATO airstrikes during the Kosovo War killed hundreds of civilians, and its leading ally in the war, Kosovo President Hashim Thaci, is now on trial at The Hague for the appalling war crimes he committed under the cover of NATO bombing, including cold-blooded murders of hundreds of prisoners to sell their internal organs on the international transplant market.

Far from the North Atlantic, NATO joined the United States in its 20-year war in Afghanistan, and then attacked and destroyed Libya in 2011, leaving behind a failed state, a continuing refugee crisis and violence and chaos across the region.

In 1991, as part of a Soviet agreement to accept the reunification of East and West Germany, Western leaders assured their Soviet counterparts that they would not expand NATO any closer to Russia than the border of a united Germany. U.S. Secretary of State James Baker promised that NATO would not advance “one inch” beyond the German border. The West’s broken promises are spelled out for all to see in 30 declassified documents published on the National Security Archive website.

After expanding across Eastern Europe and waging wars in Afghanistan and Libya, NATO has predictably come full circle to once again view Russia as its principal enemy. U.S. nuclear weapons are now based in five NATO countries in Europe: Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Belgium and Turkey, while France and the U.K. already have their own nuclear arsenals. U.S. “missile defense” systems, which could be converted to fire offensive nuclear missiles, are based in Poland and Romania, including at a base in Poland only 100 miles from the Russian border.

Another Russian request in its December proposal was for the United States to simply rejoin the 1988 INF Treaty (Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty), under which both sides agreed not to deploy short- or intermediate-range nuclear missiles in Europe. Trump withdrew from the treaty in 2019 on the advice of his National Security Adviser, John Bolton, who also has the scalps of the 1972 ABM Treaty, the 2015 JCPOA with Iran and the 1994 Agreed Framework with North Korea dangling from his gun-belt.

None of this can justify Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, but the world should take Russia seriously when it says that its conditions for ending the war and returning to diplomacy are Ukrainian neutrality and disarmament. While no country can be expected to completely disarm in today’s armed-to-the-teeth world, neutrality could be a serious long-term option for Ukraine.

There are many successful precedents, like Switzerland, Austria, Ireland, Finland and Costa Rica. Or take the case of Vietnam. It has a common border and serious maritime disputes with China, but Vietnam has resisted U.S. efforts to embroil it in its Cold War with China, and remains committed to its long-standing “Four Nos” policy: no military alliances; no affiliation with one country against another; no foreign military bases; and no threats or uses of force.

The world must do whatever it takes to obtain a ceasefire in Ukraine and make it stick. Maybe UN Secretary General Guterres or a UN special representative could act as a mediator, possibly with a peacekeeping role for the UN. This will not be easy – one of the still unlearned lessons of other wars is that it is easier to prevent war through serious diplomacy and a genuine commitment to peace than to end a war once it has started.

If and when there is a ceasefire, all parties must be prepared to start afresh to negotiate lasting diplomatic solutions that will allow all the people of Donbas, Ukraine, Russia, the United States and other NATO members to live in peace. Security is not a zero-sum game, and no country or group of countries can achieve lasting security by undermining the security of others.

The United States and Russia must also finally assume the responsibility that comes with stockpiling over 90% of the world’s nuclear weapons, and agree on a plan to start dismantling them, in compliance with the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and the new UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW).

Lastly, as Americans condemn Russia’s aggression, it would be the epitome of hypocrisy to forget or ignore the many recent wars in which the United States and its allies have been the aggressors: in Kosovo, Afghanistan, Iraq, Haiti, Somalia, Palestine, Pakistan, Libya, Syria and Yemen.

We sincerely hope that Russia will end its illegal, brutal invasion of Ukraine long before it commits a fraction of the massive killing and destruction that the United States has committed in its illegal wars.

Medea Benjamin is cofounder of CODEPINK for Peace, and author of several books, including Inside Iran: The Real History and Politics of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Nicolas J. S. Davies is an independent journalist, a researcher with CODEPINK and the author of Blood on Our Hands: The American Invasion and Destruction of Iraq.

Russian anti-war movement takes shape on the streets – and on screens


An article by Pauline Rouquette in France 24

Thousands of Russians have taken to the streets in protest against the invasion of Ukraine, with more than 6500 demonstrators arrested as of Tuesday, according to the OVD-Info human rights group, which tracks political arrests. 

A person holds a sign during a protest against Russian invasion of Ukraine in Moscow on February 27, 2022. © Evgenia Novozhenina, Reuters

And despite a crackdown by the Russian authorities, opposition to Moscow’s war in Ukraine is gaining support. While some continue to demonstrate publicly, others are setting up rear bases on the Internet and circumventing restrictions by using social networks, encrypted messaging and VPN servers. 

“I’m not afraid, I went out alone,” a user named Stanislav wrote on Twitter. The message is accompanied with a photo of him protesting on a street in the town of Azov in the western Russian oblast of Rostov. The 30-year-old holds a sign that reads “#НЕТВОЙНЕ” (No War) in large black letters. 

Fear of repression has meant that only a minority of Russians are publicly expressing their opposition to the invasion. However, the anti-war movement is gathering support on the Internet, mainly through social networks and encrypted messaging services such as Telegram and Signal. 

On Twitter, the hashtag #ЯпротивВойны (I’m against the war) was trending in Russia on Tuesday. “This has been the case since the beginning of the war,” Stanislav told FRANCE 24.  

Discretion when faced with repression 

Most of the opposition seems to be fomenting behind screens since, under Vladimir Putin, to oppose the war out on the streets risks arrest and conviction. This is reflected in the daily figures released by OVD-Info

The NGO told FRANCE 24 that it tracks the number of people arrested at anti-war rallies – not the number of participants. Nearly a week after the start of the Russian invasion, the numbers are already significant.

“We have never seen such a large number of detainees per day,” said Grigory Durnovo, an analyst for the group. “We counted at least 6,489 detainees in five days. This is enough to show us the number of people willing to go out on the streets and express their views,” he said. 

A Facebook post on Tuesday by the NGO mentions more than 3,100 arrests in Moscow, more than 2,000 in St. Petersburg, about 100 in Yekaterinburg and a few dozen in other, less populated cities across the country.

While the arrests have not prevented thousands of Russians from defying the law to express their opposition to the war, the vast majority prefer to maintain a low profile.  

Durnovo attributed this to a wave of repression seen in 2021, notably with the closure of celebrated human rights group Memorial, as well as the criminal prosecution of people who participated in protests earlier this year.

Twitter, Signal and Telegram: the backbone of the anti-war movement 

But protesters still find ways to express their opposition to the war while remaining under the radar. 

“Contacts between protesters are mainly on Twitter and Telegram,” says Stanislav, who depicts them as networks of solidarity. Members on these groups share information from independent media (including the online TV channel Dojd), relay petitions and support protesters arrested by the police.

“We help them pay fines and also find lawyers to help them,” he said. 

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(Click here for a version of this article in French).

Questions related to this article:
Can the peace movement help stop the war in the Ukraine?

How can we be sure to get news about peace demonstrations?

(Continued from left column)

According to the OVD-Info website, depending on the charges, protesters risk being fined “from 2,000 to 300,000 rubles (from €17 to more than €2,500) and risk up to 30 days in detention”. 

Unable to rely on Russian media sources regarding the protests, OVD-Info receives information directly from the field as well as from the detainees themselves. “They call us via our hotline or send messages to our Telegram bot,” Durnovo explained. “We ask them to tell us the number of detainees on a police bus or in a police station along with their names, the name of the city and any other significant information, such as possible cases of violence.”

He added that this information is crosschecked with other sources. This includes independent media, Telegram channels and, to a lesser extent, statements from police officials (which is compared with data collected elsewhere).   

“The official media sometimes mentions anti-war protests but we can’t use them as a source because they don’t tell the whole story. Sometimes we can quote the number of detainees from the statements of police officials and compare it with our own data,” he said. 

Petition gathers over 1 million signatures   

In addition to NGOs, citizens and professional groups have been taking up the anti-war banner by using social networks or getting support from independent media.  

A number of petitions and open letters have been circulating on the Internet since the start of the invasion, including one from Russian lawyers citing Russian violations of the UN Charter. Russian scientists have posted a video on YouTube expressing their opposition to the war. 

The most significant of these initiatives remains a Change.org  petition entitled, Stop the War with Ukraine. Launched by Lev Ponomarev, a Russian political activist committed to the defence of human rights, the text calls on Russian citizens to resist the war. It exceeded 1 million signatures on Tuesday.

The petition calls for “an immediate ceasefire of the Russian armed forces and their immediate withdrawal from the territory of the sovereign state of Ukraine”. 

According to Ponomarev, if a million signatures are gathered, it means that tens of millions of people are opposed to the war against Ukraine, given the difficulty many Russians have in accessing the Internet. 

‘Restrictions can be circumvented on the Internet’ 

On social networks, many messages testify both to the vigorous opposition that some Russians have against the war and the government, as well as their reluctance to go and shout it out on the streets. 

 “In the West, foreigners write on social networks, ‘It’s up to the Russians to stop the dictator’ – but how on earth? This monster will crush any protest,” read one comment under a Facebook post. 

“My friends went out to demonstrate in Moscow today with placards. No one joined them,” another user lamented, before ironically remarking in another message: “You have to go out to sing Ukrainian songs: singing is not yet banned!” 

Despite the Russian authorities’ efforts to censor certain online resources, demonstrating opposition to the Russian government seems much less risky on the Internet than on the streets.  

According to Human Rights Watch, Russian authorities have threatened to fine or block several independent Russian media outlets if they do not remove certain publications about the war in Ukraine. The NGO also expressed concern about the sharp rise in censorship. In recent days, Facebook and Twitter have also come under fire from Russia’s communications watchdog, Roskomnadzor, which is now restricting their access. 

However, as Stanislav points out, “on the Internet, restrictions can be circumvented. Many online resources can still be accessed using a VPN (virtual private network), which is widely used. The VPN transmits traffic via servers in a country other than Russia, where sources of information can be blocked”, he added. 

However, he is not satisfied with just this rear base on the Internet. Even if he is alone each time when he goes out to protest – his friends are afraid to demonstrate with him in public – he says he wants to continue to protest on the streets, saying: “Protesting only on the Internet cannot lead to much.” 

This article is a translation from the original in French.

Thousands of IT workers in Russia sign public anti-war petition


An article by Natasha Lomas March 1 from TechCrunch

In a hint of the strength of opposition among Russian professionals to war in Ukraine, an open letter that’s been circulating through the country’s IT industry since the invasion on Thursday — to protest at the act of military aggression and call for peace — has gathered around 30,000 signatories from named IT workers.

Portrait of Natalia Lukyanchikova from her Facebook page

The petition is entitled: “An open letter from representatives of the Russian IT industry against the military operation on the territory of Ukraine.”

The list of names and job titles — some also specifying which company the person works for — includes IT professionals who identify themselves as entrepreneurs, product managers, heads of customer experience, analytics, backend developers, product designers, marketing specialists, devops engineers, iOS engineers, gameplay developers, system analysts, IT recruiters and many, many more.

The Google Document that’s been used to host the petition runs to 652 pages.

The full text of the letter, which is written in Russian, reads [translated with machine translation]:

We, the employees of the Russian IT industry, are categorically against military actions on the territory of Ukraine initiated by the armed forces of the Russian Federation.

We consider any manifestation of force that leads to the outbreak of war unjustified and call for the cancellation of decisions that may inevitably entail human casualties on each side. Our countries have always been close to each other. And today we are worried about our Ukrainian colleagues, friends, relatives. We are concerned and morally oppressed by what is happening in the cities of Ukraine now.

In our work we make the best products, the best service, we sincerely do everything so that Russian IT solutions can be proud of. We want our country to be associated not with war, but with peace and progress.

Progress and development of technologies for the benefit of man are impossible in conditions of war and threats to people’s lives and health, they are possible only in conditions of cooperation, diversity of points of view, information exchange and open dialogue.

We ask the leadership of our country to pay attention to our appeal, find ways to resolve this situation peacefully and prevent human casualties.

(Continued in right column)

Questions related to this article:
Can the peace movement help stop the war in the Ukraine?

(Continued from left column)

It’s not possible to verify that all the names listed as signatories are genuine — but we have confirmed that the petition was started by a woman called Natalia Lukyanchikova, who told us she’s an “IT specialist”.

She is also the first signatory of the letter, where she lists herself as a product analyst at recruitment website, hh.ru.

TechCrunch reached Lukyanchikova via email and she explained that she shared the peace petition to her public Facebook page last week — calling for other IT workers to put their names to it and to mobilize to try to get media coverage for the initiative.

We also spoke with another Russian IT worker who told us they had signed the petition — and said lots of people from their tech company, including its CEO, had also signed — but this source requested anonymity to avoid drawing attention to their action because of the risk of retaliation.

In her initial Facebook post to launch the petition, Lukyanchikova wrote [translated from Russian]: “Below is the text of an open letter from the IT community. I don’t know if this will work out, but I know that collective action helps sometimes. This also helps people understand that they are not alone. So far this is the only legal action I see that is not banned. You can sign up via the link in the first comment.”

In subsequent posts to her Facebook page, she can also be seen tracking progress over a handful of days as the number of signatures rises.

The petition appears to have quickly picked up steam among Russia’s IT industry as the country’s invasion of Ukraine stepped up, garnering over 10,000 signatories by Saturday and topping 20,000 by Sunday — before reaching close to 30,000 names now, at the time of writing.

Asked if she believes the petition could have an impact, Lukyanchikova told us: “I want to believe that our voices will be heard and peace will be restored.”

Some media outlets inside Russia have reported on the anti-war letter.

Tech industry publication vc.ru, for example, covered it on Saturday, when it reported that the signatories — then numbering around 1,300 — included employees of Russian tech giants Yandex and VKontakte, among many other types of businesses.

Its report also notes that similar anti-war letters have been published by representatives of other industries from inside the country, such as teachers, scientists and doctors. Although the IT industry letter appears to have gathered the largest number of signatures.

This report was updated with a couple of minor corrections: We originally stated the petition had closed; actually it’s still open to further signatures. Also Lukyanchikova’s job title is ‘product analyst’, not ‘food analyst’ as the machine translation of the cyrillic script displayed in the petition list, which we had used to translate it from Russian, (incorrectly) rendered it. 

Russian teachers against the war


An article published by the Russian website Meduza (translation by CPNN)

(Editor’s note: The original petition has been withdrawn from all media because of threats to the teachers that have signed it. Only a few lines are published on the Google Doc with the names of the first thousand signatures.

Google explains that 1000 is their limit for signatures but from February 24 to March 4 it had been signed by 5000 people including teachers from almost all regions of Russia: Adygea, Altai Territory, Altai, Arkhangelsk Region, Bashkortostan, Belgorod Region, Bryansk Region, Buryatia, Vladimir Region, Volgograd Region, Vologda Region, Voronezh Region, Dagestan , Trans-Baikal Territory, Ivanovo Region, Irkutsk Region, Kabardino-Balkarian Republic, Kaliningrad Region, Kaluga Region, Kamchatka Territory, Karelia, Komi, Kemerovo Region, Kirov Region, Kostroma Region, Krasnodar Territory, Krasnoyarsk Territory, Kurgan Region, Kursk Region, Leningrad Region region, Lipetsk region, Mari El, Mordovia, Moscow, Moscow region, Murmansk region, Nizhny Novgorod region, Novgorod region, Novosibirsk region, Omsk region, Orenburg region, Perm region,Primorsky Territory, Pskov Region, Rostov Region, Ryazan Region, Samara Region, Saratov Region, St. Petersburg, Sakhalin Region, Sverdlovsk Region, Sevastopol, Smolensk Region, Tambov Region, Tatarstan, Tver Region, Tomsk Region, Tula Region , Udmurtia, Ulyanovsk Region, Chelyabinsk Region, Chuvashia, Chukotka, Yakutia, Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug, Yaroslavl Region, Khabarovsk Territory, Khakassia).

As follows, the Russian website Meduza gets around the problem by publishing interviews with 5 of the signatories along with the note imposed by Russian authorities that in doing so they are acting as a foreign agent.

“In this situation, it is more terrible to remain silent. It’s a shame to be silent.” More than a thousand Russian teachers openly spoke out against the war with Ukraine. Here is what they say about the invasion – and how they explain what is happening to the students

12:48, February 26, 2022Source: Meduza

This message (material) was created and (or) distributed by a foreign media outlet acting as a foreign agent and (or) a Russian legal entity acting as a foreign agent.

We need your help. Please support Meduza.

On February 25, the day after the start of the war with Ukraine, Russian teachers published a petition in which they openly supported the anti-war protests and demanded a ceasefire. At the time of publication, it was signed by more than 1200 teachers from 65 regions of Russia, as well as from other countries: Italy, USA, France, Estonia, Israel, Sweden and Germany. Meduza has contacted the five faculty members who signed the document and is publishing their monologues.

Ivan Menshikov,mathematics teacher from Moscow, one of the authors of the petition

On the morning of February 24, my colleagues and I had the feeling that something needed to be done. You can’t just sit back and watch such a disaster unfold. The country is heading for the abyss, trying to capture the neighboring country by barbaric methods. I wanted to say that we think it’s terrible. The petition is the first thing that came to my mind.

I wrote the original text , then my colleagues corrected it. On the one hand, I wanted it to be as honest and sincere as possible. On the other hand, we did not want to repel doubting people with too emotional words. It was a complex procedure that took most of the day.

It was an interesting experience for me. When I wrote the petition, I had the feeling that I myself and the minimum number of people around me who also want to speak out need it. But as soon as it appeared [on the network], people immediately began to send it to each other in chat rooms. It began to spread at an insane rate. The link to it was sent to me by people with whom I don’t even have common acquaintances, and literally 15 minutes later [after publication], despite the fact that it was around 11 pm. I quickly realized that people have an urgent need to speak up and make their voices heard in some way.

Of course, students ask us questions [about the war], and each teacher chooses words at his own peril and risk. But we cannot discuss political issues with them . We can only say that war is bad and peace is good. Children, of course, agree with this thesis.

For many children, their parents try to protect them from this information [about Russia’s invasion of Ukraine]. Not all students understand what is happening, and not all are interested. Those who understand, basically broadcast the position of their parents.

Some teachers watch TV and support the current government – and, unfortunately, even this war that our state unleashed. But in my circle, the vast majority considers war unacceptable. I would like to believe that this is the case in our country as a whole.

Of course, I’m afraid to express my protest. But given the hell that’s going on in Kyiv right now – literally a day’s drive away – it’s just a shame to be led by your own fear.

Konstantin, a mathematics teacher from Moscow, asked not to indicate his last name

There is nothing worse than war. As a teacher, I experience this even more acutely. It is important to explain to students that war is bad, and to convey this as clearly and boldly as possible.

Colleagues fully agree with me. There may be disagreements about the reasons [for the invasion] and how clear everything is, but almost everyone agrees that there should be no war and that it is in the power of Russia to stop it.

I discussed the war with the students. I said almost nothing myself, but I felt how important it was for the children to discuss it. My lesson was the first on Thursday [February 24], so I was the first adult they could discuss it with. We did not speak purely about politics, but I tried to convince them that a nightmare was happening, that it was important to talk about it and support each other.

The students themselves talked a lot. Everyone is scared. Some people want to study abroad. Someone because they have families in other regions, and someone in Ukraine. To some, simply because they understand that a gloomy and unpredictable future lies ahead. Some people are worried about other people. Confusion manifests itself in different ways for everyone: someone tries to laugh it off.

I’m talking about high school students. Younger children are more likely not to understand what is happening, but they still feel that something is wrong. I heard about cases when children mocked at this [war with Ukraine]. Even at our school, children said: “We will trample, we will crush.” But I don’t know them personally.

I’m not afraid to voice my protest. Even before this story [with the petition], I wrote a post on VK asking them not to congratulate me on February 23, because it is offensive. Some parents at my last school said it tarnished the image of the teacher worse than the swimsuit photos. But I’m definitely not afraid.

(Continued in right column)

Questions related to this article:
Can the peace movement help stop the war in the Ukraine?

(Continued from left column)

Dmitry Kazakov, history teacher from the Nizhny Novgorod region

In terms of my political convictions and worldview, I am an internationalist and a Marxist. I believe that this war is a war of two capitalist powers [Russia and Ukraine]. The result of this confrontation is the death of people, which is categorically unacceptable for me.

Besides, I am a history teacher and I know what wars lead to. Especially imperialist, aimed at satisfying the self-interest of capital. That’s why I signed [the petition].

The profession of a teacher implies the promotion of peace, kindness, mutual understanding and the search for compromises. War is contrary to such a phenomenon as pedagogical work.

All the explanations of this war that our state has given are not explanations. If more specific arguments were given, and not a story of 100 years ago , then maybe I would take a more neutral position. I categorically do not take sides – I do not know much about this confrontation. Why did the war start? Who is right and who is more to blame? But I am sure that any conflict can be resolved peacefully. A bad peace is better than a good war.

The students showed keen interest and asked me questions about the war. I tried not to answer. Not because I’m scared, but because nothing is clear yet. I did not want to endanger those who could misunderstand me, form their opinion, make it public and suffer from it. I said that now you need to have not a hot, but a cold head and hope that the war will end as quickly as possible.

If I was afraid that I would be fired, I would not be a trade union activist. And why be afraid of being fired if the consequences of this war come to us? Then no work will allow you to feel calm.

Anna Sternberg, teacher of Russian language and literature from Izhevsk

I am against war. This is the position of a teacher who teaches literature, universal values, the value of life. It seems to me that everything is logical.

The moods of my colleagues are different, but, of course, there are those who agree with me. I didn’t find out from everyone. I speak with those people who understand me, with whom I am on the same wavelength.

It is not customary for us to talk about these topics with our students. The children asked me how I feel about the war. I said that it was sharply negative, but I did not continue.

This is not the first time I have declared my protest, so I am no longer afraid. In this situation, it is more terrible to remain silent. It’s embarrassing to be silent.

Kirill, geography teacher from St. Petersburg, name changed

These events were divided into before and after both the world and people. I am not a supporter of polar opinions, “black” and “white”, but here everyone should already decide.

The problem of relations with the fraternal country is especially acute for me: my relatives live in Ukraine. Since 2014, it seemed to me that absolute obscurantism was happening.

Now you can no longer stand aside and be silent. We teach children the patriotism that pervades our entire school education system. We always speak with pride about the victories of the past and note the contribution and sacrifices that our country had to endure in the fight against the aggressor [in the Great Patriotic War]. Today we are acting – I don’t want to say “we”, but formally Russia is acting on behalf of the people – the aggressor in this “special operation”.

[After signing the petition,] I spoke as best I could. I can’t go outside: if the case goes to court, I will be forbidden to work [as a teacher]. A teacher cannot have a criminal record. As long as I have the opportunity, at least on the Internet, to express my position without violating the laws (even if they are clumsily made), I will do it to the last.

If the teacher is not bad – and I consider myself a fairly good teacher – he definitely has contact with the children. At the moment I have five ninth grades. And it is on these days that I have to go through the topic of the European south [of Russia] with the guys. Not only do I have to answer [questions] about the disputed borders with Abkhazia and South Ossetia from the point of view of international law, I also have to comment on the presence of Crimea within Russia.

Children in the ninth grade are already adults, they are 15-16 years old, and they ask questions. Of course, when we discuss this region and say that the Donetsk coal basin is part of the Rostov region, they [cling to the word] Donbass. Of course, it is very dangerous to talk about this in class. I can’t lie, but I can’t say much of what I really think either. One has to either remain silent or comment exclusively within the framework of economic geography. And children perfectly feel lies and falsehood.

Students have different attitudes towards war. In many ways, their attitude forms the informational background in the family. Whatever we say about the role of school and society in shaping a child, the role of the family is the leading one. I know many parents and often see that children broadcast their thoughts. Of course, I don’t let them [students’ conversations about politics] develop into a dialogue in a raised voice: after all, the key task of the lesson is to provide subject knowledge and basic competencies. But children still hear different opinions.

I am definitely afraid. That is why I did not go yesterday [February 24] to Nevsky [Prospect, where the protesters in St. Petersburg went]. Can I be fired? According to modern legislation, it is extremely difficult to dismiss a teacher who works according to the rules and performs his functions well. At the same time, any system (primarily the school administration) can create unbearable working conditions. But since this is not the first time in my time at school—and indeed in the history of our country—that I have had to make jeopardizing choices, I rely on a certain amount of rationality in the higher-ups who make decisions about my working conditions.

So far, I have not broken any law: no one forbade us to sign public petitions. The text of the petition does not contain any insults or calls – except for the call to stop the war, which, regardless of the position of the person, cannot be questioned. At least I still have that hope.

Teachers are not ready to do everything the state tells them to do. Teachers not only teach critical thinking, but also master it themselves.

Lukoil, Russia’s largest private company, comes out against the war


An article by CPNN based on multiple sources, as given.

The Board of Directors of Lukoil, the largest private company in Russia, has issued a statement opposing the Russian invasion of the Ukraine. Here is the statement carried on the Lukoil website:

Thursday, March 3, 2022

Dear Shareholders, Employees and Customers of LUKOIL,
The Board of Directors of LUKOIL expresses herewith its deepest concerns about the tragic events in Ukraine. Calling for the soonest termination of the armed conflict, we express our sincere empathy for all victims, who are affected by this tragedy. We strongly support a lasting ceasefire and a settlement of problems through serious negotiations and diplomacy.

video from Euronews

The company makes every effort to continue its operations in all countries and regions where it is present, committed to its primary mission of a reliable supplier of energy to consumers around the world.

In its activities, LUKOIL aspires to contribute to peace, international relations and humanitarian ties.

Board of Directors, LUKOIL

(Continued in right column)

Questions related to this article:
Can the peace movement help stop the war in the Ukraine?

(Continued from left column)

According to CNN, Lukoil produces more than 2% of the world’s crude oil and employs over 100,000 people.

Lukoil’s statement is the first major corporate success for the sanctions imposed by the West following the Russian invasion of the Ukraine. This is explained on the Russian website VC: “Since February 15, the company’s capitalization at its peak has fallen by 57 percent. On Thursday, 03 March 2022, depositary receipts for the company’s shares traded on the London Stock Exchange ceased to be traded and the company was suspended. The reason for this step was the sanctions imposed by England in response to Russia’s invasion of sovereign Ukraine. . . Lukoil co-owner Vagit Alekperov has been losing billions of dollars since February 24 due to Western sanctions related to Russia’s war against Ukraine. Alekperov hid his yacht from sanctions in Montenegro. In this regard, he was more fortunate: for example, Usmanov’s yacht will not leave the port of Hamburg, the German state is preparing to nationalize it.”

VC considers that the sanctions are likely to have additional similar effects causing Russians to oppose the war: “The expression by the board of directors of PJSC Lukoil of its negative position regarding what is happening in Ukraine was the “first sign” that flew in from the camp of the Russian business elite, and it reflects not only the beginning of a change of mood, but also a willingness to declare this change openly.”

More information on the effect of the sanctions on Lukoil is provided by CNN: “Lukoil shares listed in London have lost roughly 99% of their value following the invasion. Dealing in the company’s stock was suspended on Thursday. The oil giant is already facing calls for a boycott in the United States, where there are 230 Lukoil gasoline stations owned by American franchisees. Most of the service stations that carry the Lukoil brand are in New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania.”

Although Russia has blocked many news services from the West and most Russians are not likely to be reading press releases from Lukoil, the news of the Lukoil statement is being carried on many Russian independent media sources in addition to the Euronews video and the VC article mentioned above. These include За рулем, T-Journal, Kommersant, Sports (because Lukoil is a major sponsor of sporting events), Interfax, Rambler finance, Postimees and MigNews.

Ukraine war: families of unhappy Russian conscripts could undermine Kremlin’s war effort


An article by Jennifer Mathers from The Conversation (republished under a Creative Commons license)

What do ordinary Russians think about the war that Vladimir Putin has unleashed on Ukraine? The Kremlin’s justifications: that Ukraine’s leadership has been subjecting ethnic Russians in that country to genocide  and that the government in Kyiv is led by neo-Nazis  appear far-fetched to most people outside Russia. So does the idea that Russia had to strike first to prevent Ukraine  from becoming a springboard for a Nato attack on Russia. But that’s what the Russian people have been told.

Distraught: Russian soldiers’ mothers with pictures of their sons killed in Chechnya, 1995. EPA/Sergei Chirikov

Some Russians certainly haven’t accepted these notions and oppose the invasion. Several thousand people have been arrested in cities  across the country for participating in protests. And a growing number of respected figures in Russia  have made public statements against the war in Ukraine, including celebrities  who are using their social media accounts to express their political views.

But while social media is providing young people with alternative explanations for this war, it is the older generations who represent the bedrock of Putin’s popular base of support. And older people tend to get their news from state-controlled television   rather than from social media or by seeking out Russia’s remaining independent news media that exist mainly online.

This support for Putin and his war is now at risk, however, as a direct result of the way that Russia treats its own soldiers and their families.

Within a few days of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the Russian independent news organisation Meduza published an article  highlighting the shock and anger of the families of Russian conscripts when they discovered that their sons had been sent into battle. Russian law prohibits the use of conscripts in combat, so these parents had no reason to believe that their loved ones were in the front lines of Putin’s “special military operation” in Ukraine.

According to the families that Meduza interviewed, conscripts are being coerced into signing contracts of voluntary service to change their status and provide some legal cover for sending them to war.

Changes to the status of conscripts is not the only information that Russia is keeping from soldiers’ families. According to a presidential decree that  Putin signed in 2015, all military deaths are a state secret. This means that frantic families who contact the Ministry of Defence asking for information about the welfare of their sons are routinely met either with silence or delaying tactics, such as advice to contact a unit commander directly or write to the Red Cross.

(Continued in right column)

Questions related to this article:
Can the peace movement help stop the war in the Ukraine?

(Continued from left column)

Ukraine has seemingly taken a very different approach. According to news reports, when Russian soldiers are captured they are allowed to phone their families , both to assure those back home that they are alive but also to convey to them the reality of this war.

If there is one thing that can effectively counter the Kremlin’s narrative about its use of force in Ukraine, it is personal knowledge  from trusted sources of information – such as the testimony of combatants delivered to their parents. And these parents will share this knowledge with their extended family, with neighbours, with co-workers, and with friends.

Committee of Soldiers’ Mothers

In fact, the news is already spreading , and families with sons in the army who have not heard from them directly are pleading with the only other source of information and advocacy in Russia about members of the armed forces: the Committee of Soldiers’ Mothers .

The Committee of Soldiers’ Mothers began during the Soviet war in Afghanistan as a network of locally based initiatives led by the families – principally the mothers – of soldiers to lobby the Kremlin for their safe return. The committee rapidly grew in size and moral authority and expanded its remit  to put pressure on Moscow to put an end to the practice of dedovshchina. This is “hazing” – routine physical abuse meted out by senior conscripts to new arrivals in the unit that sometimes ended in serious injury or even death.

The organisation came to prominence during Russia’s first war in Chechnya (1994-1996), when it organised the Mothers’ March for Life and Compassion . This involved hundreds of middle aged women travelling to the war zone to find their sons and bring them back home.

Outrage at the mistreatment of conscripts spread throughout Russia at the grassroots level and undermined the entire basis of staffing the armed forces. Advised by the Committee of Soldiers’ Mothers on legal ways to avoid military service  and supported by their families, young men of conscription age withdrew their labour from the state, sparking a crisis of recruitment  and retention that the Russian armed forces have only recently begun to recover from.

Failure of reform

The war in Ukraine is Russia’s first large-scale use of force since the start of a serious effort at  military reform  following Russia’s 2008 war in Georgia. Previous military operations either involved small numbers of highly trained forces (the annexation of Crimea in 2014 , the military intervention in Syria   since 2015) or covert support for proxies (the war in the Donbas , 2014-2022).

Despite a decade of reform  and a  significant increase in resources , what we have seen so far suggests that the attitudes in the Ministry of Defence towards the treatment of soldiers and their families have not changed much since the late Soviet period.

This could turn out to be a costly oversight. Putin’s tenure in the Kremlin is not necessarily dependent upon public opinion. But significant shifts in the mood of ordinary Russians will certainly undermine morale. This could cause some of the powerful figures that surround the president to question the wisdom of continuing down the current path, and perhaps also with the current leader.

The Conversation

Open letter of Russian mathematicians against the war in Ukraine


An article from TrV-science (Trojan variant – Science (translation by CPNN) (article later removed by Russian government censorship)

28.02.2022: The editors of the Trojan Variant have received an open letter from mathematicians working in Russia. The letter is open for signing (signatures are collected here). We publish the text of the appeal to the head of the Russian Federation.

To the President of the Russian Federation V. V. Putin

Mr. President!

We, mathematicians working in the Russian Federation, strongly protest against the military invasion of the territory of Ukraine launched by the Russian army on February 24, 2022.

The standard of living in a country and its position in the world are largely determined by the level of its science. Scientists all over the world are working on problems that are not restricted to national and territorial interests, but concern the well-being of all mankind. International cooperation, lack of borders for the dissemination of knowledge and humanistic values ​​are the foundation on which science is built. Our many years of efforts to strengthen the reputation of Russia as a leading mathematical center have been completely depreciated as a result of the unprovoked military aggression initiated by our country.

Mathematics has always been one of the few areas of fundamental science in which Russia has maintained a leading world position. As confirmation of this, Russia was supposed to host the most prestigious mathematical conference in the world, the International Congress of Mathematicians, in the summer of 2022. The International Mathematical Union canceled this decision in connection with the Russian attack on Ukraine. In a situation where our country has become a military aggressor and, as a result, a rogue state, Russia’s leading positions in world mathematics will be irretrievably lost.

In the instructions of the President of December 4, 2020, mathematics was named a priority area for the development of the Russian Federation; goals were set both in the field of fundamental science and in education. These goals, of course, cannot be achieved in the current conditions, when the lives of our closest colleagues – scientists in Ukraine, with whom we have been connected by many years of successful joint work, are daily in danger, the source of which is the Russian army. Russia finds itself in international isolation, without the possibility of intensive scientific exchange and cooperation with scientists from other countries.

We are convinced that no geopolitical interests can justify the sacrifices and bloodshed of war. It will only lead to the loss of the future of the country for which we work.

We demand an immediate cessation of hostilities and the withdrawal of Russian troops from the territory of Ukraine.

Signatures as of 13:50 March 1, 2022. The order of signatures is random. The collection of signatures continues. If you are a mathematician working in Russia, you can leave your signature here.

A backup email is available on Google Docs.

1.Iosif Krasilshchik, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor, IPU Russian Academy of Sciences
2.Petr Evgenievich Pushkar, Ph.D.
3.Andrey Dymov, Ph.D., Associate Professor, MIAN, Higher School of Economics
4.Yuliy Ilyashenko, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor
5.Alexander Guterman, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, Moscow State University
6.Yana Belopolskaya, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor
7.Dmitry Filimonov, Ph.D., Associate Professor
8.Dmitry Itsykson, Ph.D.
9.Mikhail Feigin, Ph.D., Associate Professor, University of Glasgow and MGU
10.Irina Paramonova, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor
11.Victor Vasiliev, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Professor, Mathematical Institute named after V.I. V.A. Steklova
12.Leonid Rybnikov, MD
13.Ivan Dynnikov, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor of the Russian Academy of Sciences
14.Elena Kreynes, Ph.D., Moscow State University named after M.V. Lomonosov
15.Nadezhda Volodko, PhD, IM SB Russian Academy of Sciences
16.Igor Moiseevich Krichever, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor
17.Sergey Vladuts, PhD, professeur, Aix-Marseille Univ.
18.Leonid Chekhov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Leading Researcher, MIAN V.A. Steklova
19.Sergey Smirnov, Ph.D., Associate Professor
20.Irina Bobrova, Postgraduate Student, Research Assistant, Faculty of Mathematics, National Research University Higher School of Economics, Moscow
21.Alexey Makarov, Ph.D., Professor
22.Ilya Sergeevich Vilkovisky, PhD student, Skoltech, Higher School of Economics
23.Gleb Koshevoy, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Chief Researcher
24.Marat Rovinsky, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Moscow
25.Vasily Goncharenko, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor, National Research University Higher School of Economics
26.Nikolai Yurievich Reshetikhin, Doctor of Phys.-Math. Sciences, Professor, Tsinghua University, Beijing, China
27.Pavel Gvozdevsky, PhD student, St. Petersburg State University
28.Anton Sergeevich Khoroshkin, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor, National Research University Higher School of Economics
29.Nina Sakharova, Ph.D., Associate Professor
30.Alexander Kuznetsov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Corresponding Member Russian Academy of Sciences
31.Alexey Anatolievich Gorelov, MIAN im. V.A. Steklova, PhD student
32.Sergey Kryzhevich, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Associate Professor
33.Elena Gurevich, Ph.D.
34.Fedor Bakharev, PhD, Senior Researcher, Chebyshev Laboratory, St. Petersburg State University
35.Boris Feigin, Doctor of Sciences, Professor
36.Sergey Loktev, Ph.D.
Petr Akhmetiev, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical 37.Sciences, Professor at MIEM Higher School of Economics, IZMIRAN
38.Alexandra Shcheglova, Ph.D., Associate Professor, St. Petersburg Electrotechnical University
39.Stepan Kuznetsov, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Senior Researcher, Mathematical Institute. V. A. Steklov Russian Academy of Sciences
40.Ilya Shchurov, PhD, Associate Professor, National Research University Higher School of Economics
41.Ivan Sergeyevich Shilin, Ph.D.
42.Ekaterina Amerik, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, Matfak Higher School of Economics
43.Mikhail Finkelberg, Ph.D., Professor
44.Boris Bychkov, PhD, Associate Professor, National Research University Higher School of Economics
45.Valentin Ovsienko, Ph.D., habilitation
46.Igor Lysenok, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Mathematical Institute. V.A. Steklova
47.Vladimir Gerdzhikov, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor, Institute of Mathematics and Informatics, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences
48.Andrey Solynin, Ph.D., St. Petersburg State University
49.Alexander Ivanovich Efimov, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Mathematical Institute. V.A. Steklov Russian Academy of Sciences
50.Artur Ryazano, Junior Researcher, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
51.Mikhail Anatolievich Tsfasman, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences
52.Lyubov Evgenievna Shenderova, Teacher
53.Sergey Nechaev, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Leading Researcher, Physical Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences
54.Nikolai Kuchumov, National Research University Higher School of Economics
55.Ilya Shkredov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Corresponding Member Russian Academy of Sciences, MIAN im.
56.V.A. Steklov Russian Academy of Sciences
57.Lev Lokutsievskiy, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics
58.Vasily Rogov, postgraduate student
59.Boris Kruglikov, PhD, Professor, UiT the Arctic University of Norway
60.Semyon Shlosman, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics
61.Alexander Kolesnikov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics
62.Anton Sergeevich Trushechkin, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Mathematical Institute.
63.Evgeny Smirnov, Ph.D.
64.Vladislav Vysotsky, Ph.D.
65.Alexey Slinkin, PhD
66.Anton Tselishchev, Ph.D., place of work: St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
67.Alexandra Skripchenko, Ph.D.
68.Evgeniy Stepanov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Senior Researcher
69.Andrey Agrachev, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics
70.Anton Andreevich Aizenberg, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor, National Research University, Higher School of Economics
71.Nikolai Mnev, Ph.D., St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
72.Andrey Igorevich Karol, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor
73.Mikhail Zhitlukhin, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Senior Researcher, MIAN im. V.A. Steklova
74.Tatyana Lazovskaya, Senior Lecturer, Peter the Great St. Petersburg Polytechnic University
75.Mikhail Bershtein, Ph.D.
76.Artem Avilov, PhD, Associate Professor, Research Fellow, Higher School of Economics
77.Natalya Vitalievna Pokhodnya, senior lecturer, mathematician
78.Maksim Beketov, Master, PhD student, assistant, FKN Higher School of Economics, MIPT
79.Sergey Mikhailovich Khoroshkin, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor, National Research University Higher School of Economics
80.Dmitry Gaifulin, Ph.D., Researcher, IPTP Russian Academy of Sciences
81.Valeria Shikheeva, Ph.D., Associate Professor
82.Konstantin Igorevich Pimenov, Ph.D., Department of Higher Algebra and Number Theory, St. Petersburg State University
83.Irina Maslyakova
84.Vadim Vologodsky, Ph.D., Professor, Higher School of Economics
85.Alexander Sinchukov, Ph.D.
86.Sergey Gorchinsky, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics
87.Yuri Malykhin, Ph.D., MIAN
88.Valentin Khrulkov, PhD, researcher, Yandex
89.Misha Verbitsky, Ph. D., Full Professor, IMPA – Instituto de Matemática Pura e Aplicada
90.Alexander Avdyushenko, PhD, Associate Professor, St. Petersburg State University
91.Stepan Denisovich Konenkov
92.Alexander Kiselev, Ph.D., St. Petersburg State University and ITMO
93.Daria Aksenova, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
94.Artyom Skvortsov, Student
95.Anastasia Stavrova, Ph.D.
96.Andronik Aramovich Arutyunov, Ph.D., Free University
97.Mikhail Lifshits, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor
98.Olga Petrovna Dalevskaya, Russian State Pedagogical University im. A. I. Herzen
99.Dmitry Korotkin, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor
100.Nina Nikolaevna Uraltseva, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, St. Petersburg State University
101.Yulia Ershova, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor
102.Mark Vinyals, Ph.D., Associate Professor, St. Petersburg State University
103.Alexey Ustinov, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor of the Russian Academy of Sciences
104.Nikita Aleksandrovich Nekrasov, Ph.D., Ph.D., professor
105.Sergey Komech, Ph.D., Russian Academy of Sciences
106.Viktor Lapshin, Ph.D., Associate Professor
107.Alexey Podobryaev, Ph.D.
108.Sergey Derkachev, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
109.Alexander Smal, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
110.Sergey Gennadyevich Kazakov, postgraduate student, OmSTU
111.Yuri Burman, Ph.D.
112.Kostya Druzhkov, Ph.D., Moscow State University
113.Ilya Vorobyov, PhD, Skoltech
114.Yuri Zakharyan, PhD student, Faculty of Mechanics and Mathematics, Moscow State University
115.Alexey Milovanov, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, National Research University Higher School of Economics
116.Konstantin Pravdin, Ph.D., ITMO University
117.Vladimir Vladimirovich Podolsky, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Leading Researcher, V.I. V.A. Steklova
118.Daniil Dmitrievich Rogozin, PhD student, IPTP Russian Academy of Sciences
119.Vladimir Ivanov, Ph.D.
120.Alexey Glazyrin, Ph.D.
121.Sergey Tikhomirov, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor, St. Petersburg State University
122.Anton Baranov, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor of the Russian Academy of Sciences
123.Alisa Sedunova, Ph.D., Associate Professor, St. Petersburg State University
124.Timur Mikhailovich Grozovsky, graduate, Faculty of Mechanics and Mathematics, Moscow State University
125.Andrey Marshakov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics
126.Yulia Petrova, Ph.D., St. Petersburg State University
127.Alexey Golota, PhD student, trainee researcher
128.Aleksey Tokarev, Ph.D., Associate Professor, PFUR
129.Anastasia Sofronova, PhD student, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
130.Aleksey Sergeevich Gordeev, Junior Researcher, International Mathematical Institute named after A.I. L. Euler
131.Grigory Taroyan, Intern Researcher, Higher School of Economics
132.Anton Andreevich Shafarevich, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor, Moscow State University M.V. Lomonosov, Faculty of Mechanics and Mathematics
133.Vladimir Sharich, Lecturer, Higher School of Economics
134.Ilya Kirillov, PhD student, University of Toronto
135.Pavel Zatitsky, Ph.D., Associate Professor
136.Elena Arsenyeva, PhD, Associate Professor, St. Petersburg State University
137.Tikhon Pshenitsyn, student, young scientist
138.Sergey Andreevich Sergeev, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor, IPMech Russian Academy of Sciences
139.Natalia Netrusova
140.Alexey Elagin, Ph.D.
Pavel Petrov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, Institute of Mathematics 141.and Computer Technologies, FEFU
142.Grigory Ryabov, Ph.D., Senior Researcher, IM SB Russian Academy of Sciences
143.Roman Krutovsky, phd student, UCLA
144.Valentina Kuskova, PhD
145.Elena Rozhdestvenskaya, Ph.D., Lecturer, Omsk branch of the Higher School of Economics
146.Andrey Konyaev, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Mechanics and Mathematics of Moscow State University
147.Kirill Ryadovkin, Ph.D., St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
148.Alexey Sosinsky, Ph.D., Professor, Vice-Rector, Independent Moscow University

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Questions related to this article:
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(Continued from left column)

149.Alexander Andreevich Polyansky, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor
150.Natalia Chebochko, PhD, Associate Professor, National Research University Higher School of Economics
151.Alexander Kulikov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor
152.Oleg Lychkovsky, PhD, Moscow
153.Alexander Shtern, PhD, Associate Professor, National Research University Higher School of Economics, Department of Mathematical Education
154.Ivan Andreevich Menshikov
155.Andrey Lavrenov, Ph.D., St. Petersburg State University
156.Alexander Mokeev, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Researcher, MIAN
157.Dmitry Malyugin, Ph.D.
158.Sergey Berlov, Ph.D., FML No. 239
159.Andrey Kupavsky, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology
160.Anna Ladneva, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Russian State University
161.Alexander Alexandrovich Gushchin, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics
162.Nikolai Mikhailovich Bogolyubov, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
163.Alexander Chuikin, PhD, Leading Specialist, St. Petersburg
164.Anatoly Zaikovsky, St. Petersburg State University
165.Ekaterina Ponomarenko, Ph.D., Mechanics and Mathematics, Moscow State University (graduate)
166.Evgeny Nikolaevich Abramov, research engineer, St. Petersburg State University
167.Petr Petrovich Nikolaev, Ph.D.
168.Mikhail Rotkevich, Research Engineer, St. Petersburg State University
169.Viktor Andreevich Vyalov, Ph.D., St. Petersburg State University
170.Vyacheslav Borovitsky, Ph.D., St. Petersburg State University, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
171.Evgeny Feigin, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor
172.Ilya Zlotnikov, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
173.Yana Teplitskaya, Ph.D.
174.Nikita Kalinin, Ph.D., Associate Professor
175.Vladimir Sosnilo, PhD, Modern Algebra and Applications Laboratory
176.Denis Igorevich Savelyev, IPTP Russian Academy of Sciences
177.Ilya Bogaevsky, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, Moscow State University
178.Nikolai Germanovich Moshchevitin, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, Faculty of Mechanics and Mathematics, Moscow State University
179.Pavel Steiner, PhD student, Moscow State University
180.Alexey Gorinov, PhD, Associate Professor, National Research University Higher School of Economics
181.Alexey Pirkovsky, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor
182.Boris Trushin, Ph.D.
183.Mila Trushchina
184.Elena Bashtova, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Mechanics and Mathematics of Moscow State University
185.Yuri Gennadyevich Zarkhin, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, Pennsylvania State University (Penn State)
186.Maria Platonova, Ph.D.
187.Maxim Pavlov, Ph.D., Researcher, Physical Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences
188.Alexander Mikhailov, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor
189.Gennady El, PhD, Professor, Northumbria University
190.Vladimir Nikolaevich Rubtsov, Ph.D., professor
191.Viktor Shcherbakov, Ph.D., ISIL SB Russian Academy of Sciences
192.Sergey Salishchev, Ph.D.
193.Michal Marvan, Ph.D., associate professor, postgraduate student of Moscow State University 1976 – 1981
194.Sergey Steiner, graduate of the Mekhmat of Moscow State University
195.Leonid Shalaginov, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor, ChelGU
196.Petr Romanovich Kosenko, PhD student, National Research University Higher School of Economics/University of Toronto
197.Alexander Ivanovich Bobenko, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor
198.Maria Esipchuk, no, beginner topologist
199.Anatolij Karolevich Prykarpatski, Dr hab., PhD, Professor, Cracow University of Technology
200.Lev Sukhanov
201.Tatyana Shulman, Ph.D.
202.Egor Bryukhov, Ph.D.
203.Anton Pershin, Ph.D., associate professor
204.Yuri Belousov, PhD student, Higher School of Economics
205.Gleb Baksheev, student, NMU
206.Daniil Musatov, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology
207.Alexey Stepanov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Associate Professor, St. Petersburg State University
208.Vasily Nekrasov, Student, Mechanics and Mathematics of Moscow State University
209.Dmitry Serkov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics
210.Vladislav Degtyarev, Candidate of Cultural Studies, Senior Research Fellow, Russian State Pedagogical University. Herzen
211.Kirill Vedenev, PhD student
212.Vladimir Vyacheslavovich Sokolov, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor
213.Sergei Sergeevich Yakovenko, Ph.D. student, University of Bonn
214.Mikhail Goltsblat, Intern Researcher, Higher School of Economics
215.Larisa Stetsenko, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Institute of Plant Physiology
216.Konstantin Taranin, junior researcher, Lomonosov Moscow State University M.V. Lomonosov
217.Philip Uvarov, Ph.D.
218.Eldar AKHMEDOV, mathematician
219.Yuri Yakubovich, Ph.D.
220.Gleb Pogudig, Ph.D.
221.Vadim Gizatulin, student
222. Gavrilyuk, Ph.D., Expert
223.Sergey Akbarov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, National Research University Higher School of Economics
224.Dmitry Krekov, PhD student, Skoltech
225.Stepan Orevkov, Ph.D.
226.Ekaterina Lipacheva, Ph.D., Associate Professor
227.Nadezhda Khoroshavkina, Intern Researcher, Higher School of Economics
228.Alexander Veretennikov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor
229.Andrey Lodkin, Ph.D., Associate Professor
230.Grigory Papaanov, postgraduate student
231.Anna Vladimirovna Gladkaya, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor, St. Petersburg State University, National Research University Higher School of Economics
232.Elena Lebedeva, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, St. Petersburg State University
233.Yuri Davydov, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor
234.Ilya Ponomarenko, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
235.Alexander Vorotnikov, student
236.Olga Semenova, Ph.D., Senior Lecturer, Associate Professor, St. Petersburg State University, ITMO
237.Sergei Pustovoitov, PhD student, Moscow State University
238.Alexander Borisovich Pushnitsky, Ph.D., professor, member of the St. Petersburg Math. societies
239.Mikhail Arsenievich Semenov-Tyan-Shansky, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences
240.Vanya Karpov, Intern Researcher, MLTPMF Higher School of Economics-Skoltech
241.Alexander Zvonkin, professor emeritus, University of Bordeaux, France
242.Mikhail Denisov, Ph.D., Associate Professor
243.Maria Skopina, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, St. Petersburg State University
244.Irina Kharcheva, PhD student
245.Vladimir Protasov, Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Professor, Mechanics and Mathematics of Moscow State University
246.Dmitry Vasilevich, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor
247.Artur Vaganyan, Ph.D., Senior Lecturer, Russian State Pedagogical University named after A. I. Herzen
248.Alexander Vladimirovich Sobolev, PhD, Professor, University College London
249.Yaroslav Blagushin, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences (Docteur), Researcher, formerly Associate Professor, Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences
250.Anna Kononova, Ph.D., St. Petersburg State University
251.Nikolai Kitanin, Ph.D., Professor, Université de Bourgogne
252.Alexandra Zvonareva, Ph.D.
253.Sergey Fedorov, Ph.D., Moscow State University Lomonosov, National Research University Higher School of Economics
254.Evgeny Statnik, PhD student, trainee researcher
255.Vladimir Fok, PhD, Professor, University of Strasbourg
256.Alexey Pastor, Ph.D., St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
257.Yuriy Burago, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor
258.Vasilisa Alexandrovna Shramchenko, Ph.D., Professor, University of Sherbrooke
259.Dmitry Sergeevich Mokeev, Lecturer, Higher School of Economics
260.Daria Teplova, Ph.D., B. I. Verkin Institute for Low Temperature Physics and Technology of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
261.Yuri Farkov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor
262.Natalia Semenova, Mathematician, teacher by education
263.Artem Gureev, PhD student, University of Western Ontario
264.Andrey Shilnikov, Ph.D., Professor, Georgia State University
265.Roman Karasev, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Associate Professor, IPTP Russian Academy of Sciences
266.Alexey Zobnin, Ph.D.
267.Viktor Ginzburg, Ph.D., professor
268.Vasily Vasyunin, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
269.Vladimir Stukopin, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics
270.Alexander Panov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics
271.Vladimir Panov, Ph.D., Associate Professor
272.Alexander Tiskin, DPhil (Oxford), Associate Professor
273.Igor Igorevich Tagiltsev, post-graduate student of MMF NSU, junior researcher ISIL SB Russian Academy of Sciences
274.Boris Volkov, Ph.D., Associate Professor
275.Tsvyatko Rangelov, PhD, Professor, IMI, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences
276.Krutov Andrey, Ph.D., IMCAS
277.Egor Stepanov, PhD
278.Dmitry Chelkak, Ph.D.
279.Ksenia Dmitrievna Mukhina, Ph.D.
280.Mikhail Zvagelsky, Ph.D.
281.Valentin Skvortsov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, Moscow State University
282.Alexander Kalmynin, postgraduate student, research assistant, National Research University Higher School of Economics
283.Nikolai Nikolsky, PhD, professor emeritus, Ampère Prize 2010 of the French Academy of Sciences, IM Université de Bordeaux, France
284.Alexey Nikitin, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor, Lomonosov Moscow State University M.V. Lomonosov
285.Maria Ronzhina, Ph.D., Associate Professor
286.Olga Aleksandrovna Ivanova, Mathematics teacher
287.Anna Kirpichnikova, PhD
288.Tatiana Svorovska, PhD, editor of the European Journal of Mathematics
289.Svetlana Puzynina, Ph.D.
290.Mikhail Vladimirovich Gubko, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Professor of the Russian Academy of Sciences, IPU Russian Academy of Sciences
291.Maxim Panov, Ph.D.
292.Vitaly Volpert, CNRS, France
293.Yuri Savateev, PhD, Birkbeck, University of London
294.Timofey Grigoriev, master
295.Mikhail Svintsov, ITMO University
296.Sergey Zyubin, Ph.D., Associate Professor
297.Dmitry Korikov, Ph.D., St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
298.Elena Kirshanova, PhD, IKBFU I. Kant
299.Sergey V. Dyachenko, Ph.D., developer of science-intensive software (mathematical modeling)
300.Temirlan Ergalievich Abildaev, Master student, St. Petersburg State University
301.Ivan Sergeevich Khomich, Scientific Supervisor, Novosibirsk State University
302.Anastasia Andreevna Kuznetsova, Research Laboratory Assistant, Ural Federal University
303.Kirill Safronov, Senior Lecturer, SPbGMTU
304.Alexander Komlov, Ph.D., senior researcher, Mathematical Institute. V.A. Steklov Russian Academy of Sciences
305.Dmitry Yarotsky, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Associate Professor
306.Anastasia Matveeva, postgraduate student, Polytechnic University of Barcelona
307.Daria Rudneva, PhD student, Higher School of Economics/Skoltech
308.Nikita Ilyich Shamich, student, FEFU
309.Sofia Afanasyeva, Ph.D.
310.Sergey Gelfand, Ph.D.
311.Alexander Gavrilyuk, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Shimane University
312.Asiyat Abukova, Student, Faculty of Mechanics and Mathematics, Department of Second Higher Education, Lomonosov Moscow State University
313.Galina Sidorenko, Ph.D.
314.Sergey Alexandrovich Filyukov, postgraduate student, researcher
315.Mikhail M. Lopatin, Junior Research Fellow, IKBFU I. Kant
316.Alexander Samokhin, Ph.D.
317.Andrey Nikolaevich Subochev, Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, Associate Professor, Senior Researcher, National Research University Higher School of Economics
318.Sergey Rybakov, Ph.D., senior researcher IPTP Russian Academy of Sciences
319.Georgy Alfimov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Associate Professor
320.Nikolai Pogodaev, Ph.D.
321.Yury Vasiliev, Senior Lecturer, St. Petersburg State University of Economics
322.Nikita Safonkin, Skoltech PhD Student, Research Assistant, Faculty of Mathematics, Higher School of Economics
323.Ruslan Garipov, Bachelor
324.Ilya Vladimirovich, MacSolutions
325.Sergey Yagunov, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Ph D., St. Petersburg Branch of the Mathematical Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences
326.Maxim Staritsyn, Ph.D., ISDTU SB Russian Academy of Sciences
327.Ivan Burenev, PhD student, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
328.Sergey Sadovnichuk, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Omsk State University
329.Fedor Khandarov, Ph.D.
330.Daniil Rudenko, PhD, Assistant Professor, University of Chicago
331.Svyatoslav Gryaznov, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
332.Alexander Volochkov, Ph.D., Associate Professor
333.Vladimir Borisenko, Ph.D., researcher, Moscow State University
334.Maxim Kostyuchek, IPU Russian Academy of Sciences
335.Anastasia Makarova, Teacher, School
336.Eduard Lerner, Ph.D., Associate Professor, KFU
337.Vladimir Polyakov, Ph.D., Tula
338.Dmitry Golikov, Bachelor of Mathematics
339.Natalia Trofimova, Graduate of the Moscow State University, Entrepreneur
340.Anna Uryson, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences
341.Alexander Abramovich Davydov, Ph.D., IPTP Russian Academy of Sciences n. collaborator
342.Alexander Andreevich Podolsky, graduate of the Faculty of Mechanics and Mathematics of Moscow State University
343.Mikhail Gabdullin, Ph.D., MIAN im. Steklov, Moscow State University
344.Andrey Ryabichev, Ph.D.
345.Alexey Minabutdinov, PhD, ETH
346.Evgeny Varfolomeev, Ph.D.
347.Mikhail Minin, PhD student, St. Petersburg branch of the Mathematical Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences
348.Alexander Alexandrovich Agafontsev, M. Sc., Lecturer, St. Petersburg State University of Economics
349.Natalia Strelkova, Ph.D.
350.Ilya Binder, Ph.D., Professor, University of Toronto
351.Ivan Utkin, Ph.D., Faculty of Mechanics and Mathematics, Moscow State University
352.Yaroslav Bazaikin, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics