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An article from the Conferência Nacional dos Bispos do Brasil (translation by CPNN)

A group of Church bodies in Brazil, including the Pastoral Episcopal Commissions for the Laity and for Socio-Transforming Action of the National Conference of Bishops of Brazil (CNBB), have published the booklet “Politics for the Common Good”.

The project takes up central questions from Pope Francis’ encyclicals – Laudato Sí, Fratelli Tutti and the post-synodal exhortation Evangelii Gaudium, which deal, among other topics, with the joy of the Gospel, care for the common home (environment) and it addresses Politics as an ethical consequence of the commandment of love.

The publication is organized into five chapters: a) The universality of Christian Love; b) Social friendship and ethics in politics; c) The great causes of the Gospel; d) Take care of the Common House; and d) 2022 – Elections and Democracy.

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(Click here for the original Portuguese version of this article.)

How should elections be organized in a true democracy?

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Ecclesiastical and civil citizenship

Referring to the publication, the Archbishop of Belo Horizonte (MG) and president of the CNBB, Dom Walmor Oliveira de Azevedo, state that it is the result of an offer that marks the sense of the common interest of lay and lay Christians to contribute to their civil citizenship.

It is, according to the president of the CNBB, another formative possibility as an important contribution in the field of citizen political education, for truth in politics, bringing together lessons from our beloved Pope Francis, to inspire studies, reflections and attitudes to help each person to recognize himself as important, and essential to build a world with the features of the Kingdom of God.

The president of the CNBB argues that “no Christian can remain oblivious to the task of contributing to society becoming more just, solidary and fraternal: it is a commitment of faith to devote attention to politics, seeking to rescue its noble vocation – a singular expression of charity” .

To whom it is addressed

The section “Politics for the Common Good” is the result of the work of a network of organizations, services, social pastorals and Church bodies, the Brazilian Network of Faith and Politics, and aims to open up the horizons of Good Politics to more people in the Church.

It is aimed especially at people active in communities and parishes, such as animators and animators of celebrations, catechists, ministers and ministers of the Word, participants in groups and movements, and pastoral workers in general.

A copy can be downloaded here: Caderno Encantar a Política

(Thank you to Herbert Santos for sending this article to CPNN.)

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A blog by Oscar Oyarzo Hidalgo reprinted by Pressenza (This article is part of issue 0 of the recently launched humanist magazine Ciclos.)

Many analyses have been made of last December’s presidential election in Chile, where Gabriel Boric won at the polls with historic popular support that surpasses even what the candidate’s own supporters could have imagined. In this sense, an important variable for the victory was undoubtedly the participation of young people in the face of the dilemma between the candidacy of Boric and the former candidate Kast, the latter being the representative of the country’s most conservative right-wing.

But what is the reason for this reaction of the youth to the call to vote for Boric and leave behind the threat of Kast? Because it was simply a reaction to the results of the first round, where the scenario was truly adverse for the next President of the Republic. In that scenario, the candidate Kast won the election, albeit narrowly over Boric, demonstrating that the polls and projections of a significant growth of the far-right was demonstrated in a convincing way in votes. Faced with this result, massive support for the Apruebo Dignidad candidate was unleashed, a support that went beyond those who genuinely supported the candidate, not least those who, faced with the threat of Kast, immediately joined Gabriel’s campaign.

Faced with this scenario, what role did the youth play? In my opinion, youth played a role in accordance with what young people have historically meant for social processes. A role that is typical of the generational dialectic of advancing towards change or maintaining the status quo, of embracing ideas of profound transformation and respect for all people, regardless of gender, sexual orientation, origin, etc. A youth, which in the Chilean case participated strongly in the popular revolt of 2019, but also in the student struggle of 2011 and 2006. With this I want to get to the idea that there is a generation, the under-35s, who are aware of the different struggles that have arisen in recent times. Here the feminist movement stands out in an important way, which in its latest wave has transformed in an important way those forms and treatments that patriarchy has historically imbued societies with. And so on, passing through the ecological struggle, sexual dissidence, animal rights, among others.

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(Click here for the Spanish version)

Are we seeing the dawn of a global youth movement?

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The reaction is strengthened because those freedoms won and those with which this generation was born – thanks to the struggle of previous generations – were in danger. It was almost impossible to imagine living under a regime that belittles the role of women in society, that discriminates directly or underhandedly against sexual dissidence, and thus, in short, a regime of terror for the future of a generation accustomed to living with these personal freedoms that were being questioned by a political sector.

We might think that perhaps it did not matter so much who the candidate was in opposition to the far right. However, we should not underestimate the importance of the symbol of Boric and the conglomerate that put him forward as a candidate, because beyond the legitimate differences that one might have with that sector, they knew how to interpret in electoral terms the political and social process that had been unleashed after the popular uprising. And among the characteristics of Gabriel’s candidacy, his youth stood out, which was criticised by his opponents; however, this aspect did not resonate beyond the most conservative sectors.

The youthfulness of Gabriel and the team that accompanied him in his campaign was a great asset in the face of a society tired of the same old faces, where young people had been neglected. Apruebo Dignidad represents not only a political change, but also a generational change, although within this generation there is not exclusively one generation, but there is no doubt that it accompanies a process that has been fundamentally raised in recent times by young people.

Gabriel’s performance in his second round campaign and the subsequent result that gave the Magellanic candidate victory, was strongly driven by the youth that through different media got involved in the campaign, either in the territory, as well as through social networks; the latter being a space where creativity and stimulation of the digital world contributed significantly to the dissemination of the campaign, because at the time that people took ownership of the campaign and this was decentralised, it managed to generate the mystique that in the first round had not resulted.

The phenomenon of Gabriel Boric will surely be of interest to many analysts, because the mantle of expectations that the public has covered him represents a great responsibility for the next government, but also for a generation that for the first time since the dawn of the country is taking charge of the country’s destiny. It will be a moment of great hope, but one that will bring difficulties, and here the question is whether the youth that supported Gabriel will have the same impetus to defend his government and proposals in a scenario of foreseeable political complexity. For now, we can conclude that the interest of a particular generation was able to turn the needle in an election that was expected to be close, but which nevertheless ended up being a resounding triumph for progressive proposals against the radical conservatism it opposed.

The author, Oscar Oyarzo Hidalgo, is 22 years old. He is Former Secretary General of the Law Students’ Centre of the University of Chile, Spokesperson for Humanist Action and Humanist Students Coordinator.

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An article from Reuters (reprinted by permission)

In the patio of an evangelical youth group in the rough suburbs of Rio de Janeiro one recent weekday afternoon, 18-year-old Vitoria Rodrigues opened up her laptop and began to register young voters for Brazil’s upcoming elections.

A buzzing idealist and impressive orator, Rodrigues is part of an army of volunteers across Brazil who, in just a few short weeks, have registered hundreds of thousands of first-time voters.

The picture combo (L-R top) shows youth voter showing their identification document, 15-year-old Emily Rocha Santana, 16-year-old Sabrina Moraes, 17-year-old Evelyn Santana. (L-R bottom) 17-year-old Arlison da Silva Martins, 16-year-old Cesar da Silva, 15-year-old Arthur Santana in Sao Joao de Meriti in Rio de Janeiro state, Brazil April 5, 2022. REUTERS/Pilar Olivares

Their nationwide drive is taking aim at youth voter apathy – and may help to boost a slipping advantage for left-wing former President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva as he seeks to unseat far-right President Jair Bolsonaro in October’s election.

“Nobody likes Bolsonaro,” said Evelyn Santana, 17, shortly after registering her details with Rodrigues. “Among my friends, most people are going to vote for (Lula). They want Bolsonaro gone.”

Polls show the trend holds up nationally. More than half of young people aged 15-24 prefer Lula, according to a survey by pollster Datafolha, while less than 25% of that age group back Bolsonaro.

However, the youth vote has lost some of its punch in recent decades as a deep economic slump and vitriolic public debate has left many young Brazilians tuning out of elections.

Voting is obligatory for Brazilian adults, but those aged 16 or 17 on Election Day have the option to vote if they register by a May 4 deadline.

In 2012, there were nearly 2.5 million 16 and 17-year-olds registered to vote, according to data from Brazil’s federal electoral court. By the end of 2021, however, there were just 630,165 registered voters under 18.

To arrest that slump, volunteers like Rodrigues have fanned out across Brazil to sign up first-time voters.

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Are we seeing the dawn of a global youth movement?

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The campaign, boosted by celebrity endorsements from pop singer Anitta and Hollywood actor Mark Ruffalo, has been a success. Nearly 450,000 15-to-18-year-olds registered to vote in March, up more than 25% on the number in February, according to the federal electoral court.

“I really think the youth vote will be super decisive,” said Rodrigues. “We have the power to change the destiny of the elections.”

Lucas de Aragao, a partner and political analyst at Arko Advice, was skeptical Brazil’s youngest voters could define the election, as they represent such a small sliver of the electorate. But with polls showing Lula’s lead over Bolsonaro narrowing, their importance is likely to grow.

“In a tight election, every vote counts,” he said.

LULA VS APATHY

Interviews with the 18 people Rodrigues registered to vote one afternoon in Sao Joao de Meriti, a rough commuter town on the outskirts of Rio, showed a strong edge for Lula.

Many were dead set against Bolsonaro, a conservative firebrand who appeals to an older, wealthier and whiter electorate than is found in Brazil’s poorer, blacker favelas. Some were angered by the president’s hands-off approach to the coronavirus pandemic, while others blamed him for a sharp rise in inflation hammering their families’ budgets.

Lula remains a divisive figure in Brazil, where many still recoil at corruption scandals that stained his Workers Party, including bribery charges that jailed him before they were annulled last year.

But in Brazil’s poor urban areas, where gang violence, shoddy infrastructure and corrupt local politics are rife, many overlook Lula’s checkered past, preferring to focus on his social programs that lifted millions out of poverty.

Older generations’ nostalgia for the boom times of the Lula years has outlived the graft scandals. As a result, some younger voters now see Lula, who first ran for president in 1989, as a symbol of political renewal.

“I don’t remember Lula’s government, but they told me it was good,” said Santana, citing his “Bolsa Familia” welfare package which helped sustain millions of families.

But support for Lula was not universal.

Tiffany Tainara de Oliveira, a part-time beautician who dreams of being a dentist, said she was in the minority among her friends and family who planned to vote for Bolsonaro. The 18-year-old said Lula’s progressive social policies, which include support of LGBTQ communities, as well as legalized abortion, made him popular among younger voters.

But she said voter apathy, rather than support for Lula, was her generation’s defining political characteristic.

“Young people today are very lost,” she said. “They don’t have any thoughts about the future of the country.”

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An article in Diario El Norte (translation by CPNN)

Ibarra. “For us, a culture of peace is to see from another point of view how we can solve problems,” said Jesús León, a young man who dreams of living in a safer parish and city; and a culture of peace may be the key.

Jesús is part of The Warriors collective, a group made up of adolescents and young people between 14 and 22 years of age. The great challenge of this group of young people is, through a true culture of peace, to change the image of the Guayaquil de Alpachaca parish, one of the most populous sectors of the capital of Imbabura.

Months ago, several of these adolescents and young people participated in training and workshops supported by international organizations and carried out by the Social Group Ecuadorian Fund Populorum Progressio.

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(Click here for the article in Spanish)

How important is community development for a culture of peace?

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The youth prepared themselves on various themes. For example: in cultural issues and community journalism. Omar Becerra is an expert in this type of area and has worked in various provinces of Ecuador. In an interview with Diario EL NORTE he explained: “In the past the culture of peace was seen as only values ​​and ethics. But we believe it should also include cultural actions, organization and civil participation as well”.

For this reason, Jesús and his companions have participated in meetings that have been held in his parish to discuss the issue of safety and good coexistence.

They have also participated in youth agendas.

León also explained that they hold meetings to define in which neighborhoods of the Alpachaca parish they will later work. These sectors include: Vista al Lago, Mirador de Alpachaca, Miravalle, Primero de Enero and Santa Teresita.

Jesús León also took the opportunity to call on institutions and NGOs to provide them with help and to continue strengthening the issue of a culture of peace.

Adolescents and young people from Alpachaca and from other Ibarra parishes have participated in several fairs that have been held in different sectors of the city.

For example, Yadira Ulcuango, who plans to be a peacemaker, lives in the La Dolorosa parish of El Priorato. Ella ulcuango explained that she is part of this project, she has made them see life differently and to solve problems and resolve conflicts.

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An article from Diario Portal (translation by CPNN)

Cybersecurity, Builders of Peace, Digital Culture and Emotional Reengineering, are some of the topics addressed in the “Week of Access to the Culture of Peace” that takes place from May 16 to 20, organized by the Judiciary of the State of Mexico and the Autonomous University of the Mexico (UAEMéx).

(Click here for the Spanish original. . )

Can festivals help create peace at the community level?

The meeting brings together specialists from the Cloister of Sor Juana, the Autonomous University of San Luis Potosí, the EJEM Judicial Research Center, the Electoral Judicial School, the UAEMéx and the Anahuac University.

Among the activities are two Film-Debates with the Films: Hotel Rwanda and Little Voices; the book “A transitional justice for Mexico. Experiences and realities”; a 5km or 2.5km Walk for Peace, at the Alberto “Chivo”; Córdoba, from University City; and the prizes of the First Culture of Peace Poster Contest.

The week includes the Inauguration of the “Memory and Tolerance Tunnel”, Exhibition of the Museum of Memory and Tolerance; the Monologue “The culture of peace in the words of a superhero”; the Workshop for teachers of the Upper Secondary Level “What do I do with the emotions of my students?”.

A dialogue table and five conferences, among them, “Builders of Peace” will be given by Paolo Pagliai, Director of the College of Human Rights and Peace Management, and Law of the University of the Cloister of Sor Juana.

The inauguration by Judge Ricardo Sodi Cuellar, head of the Judicial Power of the State of Mexico and Doctor Carlos Barrera Díaz, Rector of the UAEMéx, is on Monday, May 16, in the Aula Magna “Lic. Adolfo López Mateos” of the Historical Building of the Rectory and the closing on Friday 20 in the Aula Magna “Mgdo. Lic. Gustavo A. Barrera Graf” of the Judicial School of the State of Mexico.